A white river
And velvet white sheet over the earth
Trees in white slumber
Lonely white streets
Closed windows
People in wool
Winter winding down to the bone
It is only minus eighteen!
Not so cold after all!!
Monday, December 6, 2010
Thursday, November 4, 2010
Patterns and consequences of Migration from Kerala : Preliminary Notes
John Samuel
It is estimated that approximately more than ten percent of the population of Kerala live outside Kerala today- in different parts of India, in the Gulf region, USA, Europe and different parts of the world. In spite of various estimates, there is no agreement among various researchers about the exact number of people of Kerala origin living in different parts of India and the world. The estimates vary from 3 to 4 million. It is partly due to the fact it is not easy to count the second and third generation people of Kerala origin settled in different parts of India or the world for many years.
However, there is more clarity about the number of migrants to the Gulf region and the pattern of migration in the last forty years. Migration has been a significant factor in reducing poverty, unemployment and relative deprivation in Kerala. For more than three decades, there has been a steady migration to the Gulf countries, different parts of India and the world. A recent survey (Migration and Development: Kerala Experience) S. Irudaya Rajan, KC Zacharia, CDS, 2007) by the Centre for Development Studies, Trivandrum, point out that there are around 2.27 3 million Non-resident Keralite workers. The proportion of migrant workers to Gulf countries have decreased from 95 percent in 1998 to 89 percent in 2007. As per the study, International migrants have sent about Rs 24.525 thousand crores as remittances to Kerala in 2006-07. Remittances in 2006-07 were about 20 percent of the state’s NSDP
Following are the highlights of the study by the team of researchers (S. Irudaya Rajan, KC Zacharia- Kerala Migration Survey 2007) of the Centre for Development Studies, Trivandrum:
1) The number of emigrants had been 18.4 lakhs in 2003; it was 18.5 lakh in 2007. The number of return emigrants had been 8.9 lakh in 2003; it was 8.9 lakh in 2007 also. The number of non-resident Keralites had been 27.3 lakh in 2003; it was 27.4 lakh in 2007 also. Migration rates, however, experienced some significant decline. The emigration rate declined from 26.7 per 100 households in 2003 to 24.5 per 100 households in 2007.
2) The proportion of Kerala households with an NRK each in them has remained more or less at the same level as in 2007; it had been in 2003, 25.8 percent.
3) The northern districts of Kerala are gaining importance as areas of emigration. As years pass, more and more Kerala emigrants emanate from districts such as Malappuram, Kannur and Kasaragod. In Malappuram - 71 percent of the households have in them either an emigrant or a return emigrant each. Malappuram district had the distinction of sending out the largest number of emigrants from Kerala in 1998 and in 2003. It has retained the distinction in 2007 also. In fact in 2007, Malappuram district was the place of origin of 336,000 emigrants or about 18.2 percent of the total number of emigrants from Kerala.
4) Nearly half the number of emigrants was Muslim. Among the Muslims, 3 out of every 4 households (74 percent) have an NRK each, but among the Hindus less than 1 in 5 households (22 percent) only have an NRK each in them
5) The Muslim community that forms nearly 25 percent of the state’s population received 50 percent of the total remittances during 2006-07. The share of the seven northern districts of the state in the total remittances (61 percent) was almost double the share of the seven southern districts (39 percent).
6) The number of “Gulf Wives” that is married women living in Kerala whose husbands are emigrants living in other countries, is estimated to be about 1.2 million. They form about 10 percent of the currently married women in the state.
Migration has been a key engine of social, political and economic change in Kerala in the last thirty years. The pattern of migration and the resultant socio-economic consequences influenced the culture and political process of Kerala in a significant manner. On the one hand the high remittance helped to decrease unemployment and poverty, and on the other hand it also paradoxically gave rise to a consumerist culture, and commoditisation of public good such as education and health. In a way the remittance income from more than 2 million migrant workers also hep to provide indirect employment to another 4 to 5 million (as per various estimates) people within Kerala. The remittance economy – also changed the pattern of the ownership of the land, pattern of agriculture, and also influenced environment- and ecology- largely due to the unprecedented rise of construction sector (and pressure on land and paddy fields for new constructions). It would be important to understand the cause and consequences of migration. Over a period patterns of migrations have changed.
Kerala is also at the cross-road of a transition and the consequences (positive and negative) of migration would play an important role in shaping the future of Kerala. The remittance income would begin to get saturated and the extent of migration to the Gulf States would significantly decrease due to the labour- market saturation in the region. Three would be more completion for skilled and semi-skilled jobs in India and elsewhere. Hence, a remittance-based and largely service –sector oriented growth process may not be sustainable for Kerala in the long run.
It would be important to understand five different waves of migration from Kerala and how each of those patterns influenced the social and political process of Kerala
There are three issues here.
1) Socio-cultural shifts due to migration.
2) Economic and social consequences of Remittance based economy
3) Political consequences of Migration.
1) Among the various states of India, people from three states tend to migrate more across the world: Punjab, Gujarat and Kerala. And this has some historical influence as these states were exposed to cultures and people from outside through trade relations. Kerala has a history of more than 2300 years of trade exposure to different cultures through the maritime trade; Gujarat may have more than 3000 years of exposure. Punjab was at the cross roads between south Asia and central Asia-- on the cusp of major trade routes and war zone. There was a different kind of migration from Tamil Nadu-Andhra- east coast- to the present south-east Asia: the present day Cambodia, parts of Thailand Indonesia, south of Vietnam etc And there were chola trade- based kingdoms in the south of present day Thailand. All these cultural exposure shaped our historical sense of world view and influence.
2) The first generation of migration in the early twentieth century from Kerala was the migration of semi-skilled or quasi-professional workers to Ceylon and parts of Malaya( to work in the plantations) Burma and to Madras,Calcutta, Karachi and Bombay in the early twentieth century. The knowledge and money they brought back influenced our architecture( houses) and recipes to some extent.
The second wave of migration after the Second World War was to Singapore, Malaysia, and to different parts of India- to big cities like Bombay, Delhi, Calcutta, Madras, and Bangalore. Most of the people who migrated in the second wave from 1945 to 60 were high-school educated semi skilled workers( typist, secretaries, office workers and armed forces). The third wave of Migrations from 1960 to 1975 was people with more technical skills and professional trainings( ITIs, Nursing, Clerks, technicians etc). These three waves of migration and the consequent remittance helped to influence land relationships - and more sense of 'indianess'- as there was a significant number of malayalies who joined the pan-Indian middle class: with relatively urbanised- cosmopolitan identity of Indiness.
It is during the fourth wave- from 1975 to 1992( till Kuwait war) there was mass migration to the Gulf, USA, Germany and other countries in Europe and elsewhere. This was due to the increased income of gulf countries- earned from high oil prices in the 1970s- and lack of skilled labours required for the construction and infrastructure development for oil based economy. Those who economically transformed Kerala are those with ITI and Nursing education. The increasing demand for Nurses in the health sector prompted a chain of migrations to US, Germany etc. In fact, one nurse would have been responsible for the migration of at an average of twenty people. The fifth wave of migration (from 1993 onwards) had two or three streams. These included: a) the relatively large migration of semi-skilled and unskilled labour force from northern part of Kerala, particularly Malappuram and Kannur. b) Immigration of highly qualified professionals ( Engineers, doctors, IT experts, academics ) to different parts of Europe( particularly UN), USA and other parts of the world c) Increasing emigration to the USA by the family networks of Nurses who migrated to the USA and Europe in during the fourth wave of migration in the 1980.
3) There was indeed a cast and community connotations for the migrations. People from Christian community migrated relatively early more- partly due to the access to early education and less stigma associated with skilled work and professions like Nursing. It was also due to the fact that most of the Christians were marginal farmers. With the population growth in the first half of the 20th century, the land, and people ratio changed and hence they had to migrate within in Kerala- in search of land- or outside Kerala in search of labour. So many of them could have been quasi-economic refugees- who had less stake in feudal system or the ruling elites of princely kingdom- largely controlled by a Brahmin- Nair Axis.
4) It is in the fourth wave of migration, there was significant migration of Muslims, Ezhavas and from other communities. While the second generation of the first and second wave of migrants became professionals( doctors, engineers etc), the fourth wave of migrants belonged to lower-middle class of the society. While the first three waves of migration was confined to few areas of Kerala( Palghat, Central Travancore, some parts of Malabar and Kochi)- the fourth wave of migration was much more widespread across cast, communities and regions. It is the fourth wave of migration that had maximum impact in terms of social and political relations, cultural landscape and economic consequences. The fifth wave of migrations - from 1995 onwards- had three layers- upper-elites consisting of highly skilled professionals across the world, b) middle class skilled and semi-skilled workers c) lots of unskilled labour in the second half of the 1990s.
5) The pattern of migration and its consequences influenced all aspects of the society: land relationships, decline of agriculture, growth of consumer and service sectors, rise of education as an industry- ( capitation fees, self-financing etc), and relatively less skilled and knowledge-based young leadership pool for political parties. This has a deeper impact also in terms of the structure and leadership of the political parties. Those communities who had relatively better stake in the power-structure of Kerala( Nair- Namboothiri) - and who were economically well off - through access to land and feudal relationship- got in to the leadership of political parties.
So there was relatively a high prevalence of people from few communities in the political leadership of Kerala. There were relatively very less number of Muslims in the political elites of Kerala till 1970s- but by the end 1990s, the economic status , educational profile and land-relationship changed significantly among Muslim communities- and this has resulted in a new understanding and assertion of political process. Such politicisation and revival of identity has a direct connection with the pattern of migration: And the response included a very strange mix of mainstream reformist politics and a more radical politics that combined critique of imperialism and assertion of a new pan-islamist politics.
6) Most of the Christians- who belonged to the first three waves of migration- had better access to information, money and network resources. So the next generation of these migrants moved to the upper-middle class elite sections of the society. And since many of the relatively more educated and skilled( largely nurses) among them migrated to the US, and other European countries, their politics too was partly shaped by this. These are the sections of people who were less politically conscious ( largely non-Left) and inadvertently promoted the painkilivalkaram- a new popular titilating consumer culture which began in central Travancore- spreading across Kerala.
7) Various patterns of migrations from various communities also seem to have influenced the political sociology and the sociology of political leaders. This has influenced the film industry- as remittance money and gulf-based business men began to invest in films. The -painkilivalkaram- or popularisation also can be seen as the dissolution of feudal relationships in Kerala. The feudal relationship was significantly challenged by the fourth wave of migration and the pattern of remittance. Though feudal relationships changed, the feudal mindset was not completely changed. The feudal mindset- along with consumerist status-quo and the vanities of neo-rich created a conducive environment of paninkilivalkaranam: and this can be partly seen as a popularisation and democratisation of literature from high class 'culture' to products for mass consumptions.
( to be continued)
It is estimated that approximately more than ten percent of the population of Kerala live outside Kerala today- in different parts of India, in the Gulf region, USA, Europe and different parts of the world. In spite of various estimates, there is no agreement among various researchers about the exact number of people of Kerala origin living in different parts of India and the world. The estimates vary from 3 to 4 million. It is partly due to the fact it is not easy to count the second and third generation people of Kerala origin settled in different parts of India or the world for many years.
However, there is more clarity about the number of migrants to the Gulf region and the pattern of migration in the last forty years. Migration has been a significant factor in reducing poverty, unemployment and relative deprivation in Kerala. For more than three decades, there has been a steady migration to the Gulf countries, different parts of India and the world. A recent survey (Migration and Development: Kerala Experience) S. Irudaya Rajan, KC Zacharia, CDS, 2007) by the Centre for Development Studies, Trivandrum, point out that there are around 2.27 3 million Non-resident Keralite workers. The proportion of migrant workers to Gulf countries have decreased from 95 percent in 1998 to 89 percent in 2007. As per the study, International migrants have sent about Rs 24.525 thousand crores as remittances to Kerala in 2006-07. Remittances in 2006-07 were about 20 percent of the state’s NSDP
Following are the highlights of the study by the team of researchers (S. Irudaya Rajan, KC Zacharia- Kerala Migration Survey 2007) of the Centre for Development Studies, Trivandrum:
1) The number of emigrants had been 18.4 lakhs in 2003; it was 18.5 lakh in 2007. The number of return emigrants had been 8.9 lakh in 2003; it was 8.9 lakh in 2007 also. The number of non-resident Keralites had been 27.3 lakh in 2003; it was 27.4 lakh in 2007 also. Migration rates, however, experienced some significant decline. The emigration rate declined from 26.7 per 100 households in 2003 to 24.5 per 100 households in 2007.
2) The proportion of Kerala households with an NRK each in them has remained more or less at the same level as in 2007; it had been in 2003, 25.8 percent.
3) The northern districts of Kerala are gaining importance as areas of emigration. As years pass, more and more Kerala emigrants emanate from districts such as Malappuram, Kannur and Kasaragod. In Malappuram - 71 percent of the households have in them either an emigrant or a return emigrant each. Malappuram district had the distinction of sending out the largest number of emigrants from Kerala in 1998 and in 2003. It has retained the distinction in 2007 also. In fact in 2007, Malappuram district was the place of origin of 336,000 emigrants or about 18.2 percent of the total number of emigrants from Kerala.
4) Nearly half the number of emigrants was Muslim. Among the Muslims, 3 out of every 4 households (74 percent) have an NRK each, but among the Hindus less than 1 in 5 households (22 percent) only have an NRK each in them
5) The Muslim community that forms nearly 25 percent of the state’s population received 50 percent of the total remittances during 2006-07. The share of the seven northern districts of the state in the total remittances (61 percent) was almost double the share of the seven southern districts (39 percent).
6) The number of “Gulf Wives” that is married women living in Kerala whose husbands are emigrants living in other countries, is estimated to be about 1.2 million. They form about 10 percent of the currently married women in the state.
Migration has been a key engine of social, political and economic change in Kerala in the last thirty years. The pattern of migration and the resultant socio-economic consequences influenced the culture and political process of Kerala in a significant manner. On the one hand the high remittance helped to decrease unemployment and poverty, and on the other hand it also paradoxically gave rise to a consumerist culture, and commoditisation of public good such as education and health. In a way the remittance income from more than 2 million migrant workers also hep to provide indirect employment to another 4 to 5 million (as per various estimates) people within Kerala. The remittance economy – also changed the pattern of the ownership of the land, pattern of agriculture, and also influenced environment- and ecology- largely due to the unprecedented rise of construction sector (and pressure on land and paddy fields for new constructions). It would be important to understand the cause and consequences of migration. Over a period patterns of migrations have changed.
Kerala is also at the cross-road of a transition and the consequences (positive and negative) of migration would play an important role in shaping the future of Kerala. The remittance income would begin to get saturated and the extent of migration to the Gulf States would significantly decrease due to the labour- market saturation in the region. Three would be more completion for skilled and semi-skilled jobs in India and elsewhere. Hence, a remittance-based and largely service –sector oriented growth process may not be sustainable for Kerala in the long run.
It would be important to understand five different waves of migration from Kerala and how each of those patterns influenced the social and political process of Kerala
There are three issues here.
1) Socio-cultural shifts due to migration.
2) Economic and social consequences of Remittance based economy
3) Political consequences of Migration.
1) Among the various states of India, people from three states tend to migrate more across the world: Punjab, Gujarat and Kerala. And this has some historical influence as these states were exposed to cultures and people from outside through trade relations. Kerala has a history of more than 2300 years of trade exposure to different cultures through the maritime trade; Gujarat may have more than 3000 years of exposure. Punjab was at the cross roads between south Asia and central Asia-- on the cusp of major trade routes and war zone. There was a different kind of migration from Tamil Nadu-Andhra- east coast- to the present south-east Asia: the present day Cambodia, parts of Thailand Indonesia, south of Vietnam etc And there were chola trade- based kingdoms in the south of present day Thailand. All these cultural exposure shaped our historical sense of world view and influence.
2) The first generation of migration in the early twentieth century from Kerala was the migration of semi-skilled or quasi-professional workers to Ceylon and parts of Malaya( to work in the plantations) Burma and to Madras,Calcutta, Karachi and Bombay in the early twentieth century. The knowledge and money they brought back influenced our architecture( houses) and recipes to some extent.
The second wave of migration after the Second World War was to Singapore, Malaysia, and to different parts of India- to big cities like Bombay, Delhi, Calcutta, Madras, and Bangalore. Most of the people who migrated in the second wave from 1945 to 60 were high-school educated semi skilled workers( typist, secretaries, office workers and armed forces). The third wave of Migrations from 1960 to 1975 was people with more technical skills and professional trainings( ITIs, Nursing, Clerks, technicians etc). These three waves of migration and the consequent remittance helped to influence land relationships - and more sense of 'indianess'- as there was a significant number of malayalies who joined the pan-Indian middle class: with relatively urbanised- cosmopolitan identity of Indiness.
It is during the fourth wave- from 1975 to 1992( till Kuwait war) there was mass migration to the Gulf, USA, Germany and other countries in Europe and elsewhere. This was due to the increased income of gulf countries- earned from high oil prices in the 1970s- and lack of skilled labours required for the construction and infrastructure development for oil based economy. Those who economically transformed Kerala are those with ITI and Nursing education. The increasing demand for Nurses in the health sector prompted a chain of migrations to US, Germany etc. In fact, one nurse would have been responsible for the migration of at an average of twenty people. The fifth wave of migration (from 1993 onwards) had two or three streams. These included: a) the relatively large migration of semi-skilled and unskilled labour force from northern part of Kerala, particularly Malappuram and Kannur. b) Immigration of highly qualified professionals ( Engineers, doctors, IT experts, academics ) to different parts of Europe( particularly UN), USA and other parts of the world c) Increasing emigration to the USA by the family networks of Nurses who migrated to the USA and Europe in during the fourth wave of migration in the 1980.
3) There was indeed a cast and community connotations for the migrations. People from Christian community migrated relatively early more- partly due to the access to early education and less stigma associated with skilled work and professions like Nursing. It was also due to the fact that most of the Christians were marginal farmers. With the population growth in the first half of the 20th century, the land, and people ratio changed and hence they had to migrate within in Kerala- in search of land- or outside Kerala in search of labour. So many of them could have been quasi-economic refugees- who had less stake in feudal system or the ruling elites of princely kingdom- largely controlled by a Brahmin- Nair Axis.
4) It is in the fourth wave of migration, there was significant migration of Muslims, Ezhavas and from other communities. While the second generation of the first and second wave of migrants became professionals( doctors, engineers etc), the fourth wave of migrants belonged to lower-middle class of the society. While the first three waves of migration was confined to few areas of Kerala( Palghat, Central Travancore, some parts of Malabar and Kochi)- the fourth wave of migration was much more widespread across cast, communities and regions. It is the fourth wave of migration that had maximum impact in terms of social and political relations, cultural landscape and economic consequences. The fifth wave of migrations - from 1995 onwards- had three layers- upper-elites consisting of highly skilled professionals across the world, b) middle class skilled and semi-skilled workers c) lots of unskilled labour in the second half of the 1990s.
5) The pattern of migration and its consequences influenced all aspects of the society: land relationships, decline of agriculture, growth of consumer and service sectors, rise of education as an industry- ( capitation fees, self-financing etc), and relatively less skilled and knowledge-based young leadership pool for political parties. This has a deeper impact also in terms of the structure and leadership of the political parties. Those communities who had relatively better stake in the power-structure of Kerala( Nair- Namboothiri) - and who were economically well off - through access to land and feudal relationship- got in to the leadership of political parties.
So there was relatively a high prevalence of people from few communities in the political leadership of Kerala. There were relatively very less number of Muslims in the political elites of Kerala till 1970s- but by the end 1990s, the economic status , educational profile and land-relationship changed significantly among Muslim communities- and this has resulted in a new understanding and assertion of political process. Such politicisation and revival of identity has a direct connection with the pattern of migration: And the response included a very strange mix of mainstream reformist politics and a more radical politics that combined critique of imperialism and assertion of a new pan-islamist politics.
6) Most of the Christians- who belonged to the first three waves of migration- had better access to information, money and network resources. So the next generation of these migrants moved to the upper-middle class elite sections of the society. And since many of the relatively more educated and skilled( largely nurses) among them migrated to the US, and other European countries, their politics too was partly shaped by this. These are the sections of people who were less politically conscious ( largely non-Left) and inadvertently promoted the painkilivalkaram- a new popular titilating consumer culture which began in central Travancore- spreading across Kerala.
7) Various patterns of migrations from various communities also seem to have influenced the political sociology and the sociology of political leaders. This has influenced the film industry- as remittance money and gulf-based business men began to invest in films. The -painkilivalkaram- or popularisation also can be seen as the dissolution of feudal relationships in Kerala. The feudal relationship was significantly challenged by the fourth wave of migration and the pattern of remittance. Though feudal relationships changed, the feudal mindset was not completely changed. The feudal mindset- along with consumerist status-quo and the vanities of neo-rich created a conducive environment of paninkilivalkaranam: and this can be partly seen as a popularisation and democratisation of literature from high class 'culture' to products for mass consumptions.
( to be continued)
Friday, October 15, 2010
Oslo II
Time is an illusion
When the day and night play hide and seek.
Neither the sun,nor the moon;
stars hiding in the depth of the sky;
Blue sky in the twlight
Drizzles define the day;
Night flows in to the forenoon.
And days embrace the night.
Trees shed the leaves.
No more Children in the Garden.
Snow on its way
Oslo is dressed up for the winter
When the day and night play hide and seek.
Neither the sun,nor the moon;
stars hiding in the depth of the sky;
Blue sky in the twlight
Drizzles define the day;
Night flows in to the forenoon.
And days embrace the night.
Trees shed the leaves.
No more Children in the Garden.
Snow on its way
Oslo is dressed up for the winter
Wednesday, October 6, 2010
Power to the People: Local Self Governance and Democratization
John Samuel
The three-tier Panchyat Raj system of India is the largest experiment in grassroots democratisation in the history of humanity. There are around three million elected representatives at all levels of Panchyats and now fifty percentage of them would be women. They would represent more than 240,000(two hundred and forty thousand Gram Panchayat), 6500 intermediate tiers (block Panchyats) and more than 500 district Panchyats. The fact that the Indians system of local governance- the Panchayath system- has its roots within the cultural and historical legacy of India makes it different from many other initiatives of decentralisation of governance. The idea of Panchyaths and sabhas travelled a long way from Institutions of traditional local governance structures within the culture to become an important corner stone in the constitution of India. The 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments, arguably the most substantive amendments since the adoption of the constitution, envisage Panchayats as institutions of Local self-governance. The three-tier system of local governance is also means to build synergies between representative and direct democracy and participatory governance, resulting in deepening of democracy at the grassroots level. Though there is a huge gap between the promises of the substantive local self governance and the realization of true political devolution of power, the three tier Panchayat Raj system of local Governance still offers the great possibility of transferring the power to the people.
Substantive democratization works when all people are empowered to participate in governance, ask questions, take decisions, raise resources, prioritise the social and economic agenda for local development and ensure social and political accountability. Such a vision of democracy requires democratization from below and true devolution of power to the people. The nurturing of local democratic culture and local self government would be the most important means to realise the promise of the Indian democracy: the need for an inclusive, capable, participatory, accountable and effective direct democracy at the grassroots level. And the three tier system of Local governments, envisaged by the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments, seeks to establish democracy at the grassroots level as it is at the state level or national level.
Though the idea of local government was discussed and debated in the wake of the movement for freedom struggle in India, it took forty five years after the independence to make it a constitutional guarantee. While Gandhi argued for Gram Swaraj (village republic) and strengthening village panchayaths to the greatest extent, Dr.BR Ambedkar warned that such Local Governments would be captured by local cast and feudal elites, perpetuating the marginalisation and exclusion of dalits and other excluded sections of the society. The present three tiers Panchayath Raj system, with 50% women representation and provision of representation of dalit and tribal communities, provide a much needed space for inclusive democracy.
In spite of the promises of grass-roots democratisation, there are structural and political impediments to realise the Gandhian proposal for the real Gram Swaraj. The idea of Panchayat Raj emerged through a serious of policy proposals and process since independence. The Balwantrai Mheta Committee (1957) came out with the first comprehensive policy proposals in the context of Community Development. Though the committee recommended early establishment of elected local bodies and devolution to them of necessary resources, power and authority, the primary thrust was on implementation of community development projects rather than true devolution of political power. Following the Balwantarai Mheta committee, four other committees in the next thirty years ( K Santhanam Committee-1963,Ashok Mehta Committee 1978, GK Rao Committee-1985 and LM Singvi Committee 1986) proposed a serious of proposals to revitalize Panchayat Raj institutions – as per the Directive Principles of the State Policy, mentioned in Article 40 : “ the state shall take steps to organise village panchayats and endow them with such powers and authority as may be necessary to enable them to function as unit of self-governments”. It took forty-five years of political and policy process to move this from an aspiration of the directive policy to a justiciable guarantee of the constitution. Apart from the 73rd and 74th amendments, the most important step towards grassroots democratisation is the Panchyat Extension to the Scheduled areas Act 1996, by making Gram sabhas (people’s committee/meetings at the grassroots level) as viable means towards direct participatory democracy.
One of the major hurdles in realising the true democratic and political potential of the Local-self Governance is the structural and systemic resistance by the bureaucracy and the political elites in control of the important state apparatus. There is a tension between the instrumental value of Panchyat Raj Institutions (PRIs) in community development and project implementation and the intrinsic value of PRI as strong political institutions with regulatory and administrative power- with adequate united funds and fiscal capacity. Following the Blawantrari Mheta committee recommendations, PRIs were expected to be the main vehicle for the community development projects. However, the funding for community development projects stagnated by the mid 1960s and Panchyats got stagnated without adequate funds and authorities.
Even after the constitutional amendments, one of the major hurdles is that in spite of various measures to devolve administrative and implementing mechanisms of the state, there has not been adequate measure of the devolution of finance, functions and functionaries to the PRIs. There are indeed few states, like Kerala, Karnataka and Madhya Pradesh, made important step towards this, though true devolution of political and financial power still remain far from being realized. In a dissenting note to the Ashok Mehta Committee report (1978), one of the members of the Committee EMS Namboodiripad made a very pertinent remark: “Democracy at the Central and State levels, but bureaucracy at all lower levels- this is the essence of the Indian Polity as spelt out in the Constitution. I cannot think of anything other than the integral parts of countries administration with any difference of what are called ‘development’ and ‘regulatory’ functions. I am afraid that the ghost of the earlier idea that Panchayat Raj institutions should be completely divorced from all regulatory functions is haunting my colleagues. What is required is that , while certain definite fields of administration like defence, foreign affairs, currency, communication etc should rest with the centre and all the rest should be transferred to the States and from the there to the district and lower level of local administrative bodies”. Even now one of the key challenges is the transition of the role of PRIs from mere local level implementing agencies to that of real local-self government institutions with political, financial, administrative and regulatory power in setting the agenda for local social and economic development.
There have been some very bold initiatives like the People’s Planning Process in Kerala that point towards the potential of peoples participation in Local Self Governance and the possibilities of Panchayats. In spite of few such innovative initiatives to strengthen PRIs and people’s participation, there are still major structural challenges to make them the vehicles for substantive democratisation at the grass-roots level. Some of them are to do with the very architecture of the governance process in India and some of them are to do with the character and nature of political power in India.
Some of the key challenges and issues are the following:
1) The challenge of transforming PRIs as the location of countervailing power of people to claim their rights and demand direct social accountability
2) The potential for PRIs to become the key vehicles for social transformation by ensuring the active agency and participation of women and marginalised section of the society. Such a role of PRIs would help women and marginalised sections of the society to assert the political space and demand to an inclusive social and economic agenda.
3) There seems to be a strong link between a vibrant local democracy and human development- as there would be more strategic allocation and effective expenditure of resources to promote on primary health care, education and sustainable environment. However, there is less role of PRIs in ensuring quality primary health care and education at the grassroots level
4) The success of PRIs is also influenced by the effective delivery of basic services to the poor and marginalised sections. Hence, macro-policy framework that ensures the right to livelihood is critical to success of PRIs as an important vehicle for poverty eradication.
5) Devolution of finance, particularly untied funds, is crucial to the success of PRIs as the means for Local Governance.
6) Deliberate efforts to remove the administrative, legal and procedural anomalies would be important to make the PRIs effective.
7) PRIs offer the most effective means for social accountability and transparency. Hence, devolving finance would help to reduce the instances of large-scale and entrenched corruption. The Eleventh Finance Commission, analysing the issue of Centre-state financial relations, highlighted the need to strengthen the finance of local bodies. Hence, there is a need to have broader finance reform to ensure fiscal devolution through the national and state finance commission.
The experience of Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka and Uttar Pradesh demonstrated that the transfer of funds, functions and functionaries would be critical to effective decentralisation. An effective policy framework for decentralisation from above need to be complemented with social mobilization and democratisation from below. In Kerala, social mobilisation through neighbourhood groups and women’s groups such as Kudumbasree proved to be an effective means to strengthen the demand at the grassroots level and facilitate the participation of women and marginalised groups in Governance. Democratisation at the grassroots level requires space for voices of the poor and marginalised through networks of social mobilisation. Such a space for participation, demand for effective delivery of services and demand for accountability can strengthen process of socio-political empowerment and capabilities of the poor. A human rights based approach to governance is crucial for the grass-roots democratisation. Hence, empowerment of Gram sabhas is critical to the claiming of rights and asserting voices of the marginalised and poor. Unless the legal and administrative hurdles that often constrain the effective role of Gramsabha are removed, the potential of the PRIs would not be realised. It is important to recognise that there are entrenched pathologies of cast discrimination, patriarchy and identity based political dynamics at the grassroots level. Hence it is very important to have safeguard mechanism to ensure transparency and accountability. There can be systematic efforts for participatory governance assessments- such as social audit and people’s report card to make sure that PRIs are not subjected to elite capture or capture by one political party or group.
While PRIs are still a work in progress, there are many initiatives that undermine the role of PRIs. For example, more than Rs 2000 core is spent annually through the Local area Development Funds of MPs and MLAs. Most of such funds are often spent independently of the social and economic priorities of the PRIs. Such parallel systems of financing often can undermine the real governance role of PRIs with more powers to the political elites of a particular political party and the bureaucratic elites at the district level. There is also more potential for PRIs to become the primary institutions for disaster mitigation, sustainable development, and water conservation, facilitation of local economies and creation of employment opportunity at the grassroots level, through small and medium enterprises that make use of the local natural and agricultural resources.
The 73rd and 74th amendments provide us a unique opportunity for democratisation, social accountability, effective service delivery, poverty eradication and reduction of corruption and a more participatory democracy. In spite of all economic growth, there is still entrenched poverty, social and economic inequality in India. When there are islands of prosperity, surrounded by sea of poverty and inequality, the real participation of everyone as equal citizens would be more challenging than it is assumed. We may have to go miles before realizing the dream of Gram Swaraj of Gandhi: “Every village has to become a self-sufficient republic. This require brave, corporate and intelligent work.....I have not pictured a poverty stricken India containing ignorant millions. I have pictured an India continually progressing along the lines best suited to her genius. I do not, however, picture it as a third class or even first class copy of the dying civilization of the west. If my dream is fulfilled everyone of the seven lakhs villages becomes a well-living republic in which there are no illiteracy, in which no one is idle for want of work, in which everyone is usefully occupied and has nourishing food and well-ventilated dwellings, and sufficient Khadi for covering the body and in which all villagers observe the laws of hygiene and sanitation”
The three-tier Panchyat Raj system of India is the largest experiment in grassroots democratisation in the history of humanity. There are around three million elected representatives at all levels of Panchyats and now fifty percentage of them would be women. They would represent more than 240,000(two hundred and forty thousand Gram Panchayat), 6500 intermediate tiers (block Panchyats) and more than 500 district Panchyats. The fact that the Indians system of local governance- the Panchayath system- has its roots within the cultural and historical legacy of India makes it different from many other initiatives of decentralisation of governance. The idea of Panchyaths and sabhas travelled a long way from Institutions of traditional local governance structures within the culture to become an important corner stone in the constitution of India. The 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments, arguably the most substantive amendments since the adoption of the constitution, envisage Panchayats as institutions of Local self-governance. The three-tier system of local governance is also means to build synergies between representative and direct democracy and participatory governance, resulting in deepening of democracy at the grassroots level. Though there is a huge gap between the promises of the substantive local self governance and the realization of true political devolution of power, the three tier Panchayat Raj system of local Governance still offers the great possibility of transferring the power to the people.
Substantive democratization works when all people are empowered to participate in governance, ask questions, take decisions, raise resources, prioritise the social and economic agenda for local development and ensure social and political accountability. Such a vision of democracy requires democratization from below and true devolution of power to the people. The nurturing of local democratic culture and local self government would be the most important means to realise the promise of the Indian democracy: the need for an inclusive, capable, participatory, accountable and effective direct democracy at the grassroots level. And the three tier system of Local governments, envisaged by the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments, seeks to establish democracy at the grassroots level as it is at the state level or national level.
Though the idea of local government was discussed and debated in the wake of the movement for freedom struggle in India, it took forty five years after the independence to make it a constitutional guarantee. While Gandhi argued for Gram Swaraj (village republic) and strengthening village panchayaths to the greatest extent, Dr.BR Ambedkar warned that such Local Governments would be captured by local cast and feudal elites, perpetuating the marginalisation and exclusion of dalits and other excluded sections of the society. The present three tiers Panchayath Raj system, with 50% women representation and provision of representation of dalit and tribal communities, provide a much needed space for inclusive democracy.
In spite of the promises of grass-roots democratisation, there are structural and political impediments to realise the Gandhian proposal for the real Gram Swaraj. The idea of Panchayat Raj emerged through a serious of policy proposals and process since independence. The Balwantrai Mheta Committee (1957) came out with the first comprehensive policy proposals in the context of Community Development. Though the committee recommended early establishment of elected local bodies and devolution to them of necessary resources, power and authority, the primary thrust was on implementation of community development projects rather than true devolution of political power. Following the Balwantarai Mheta committee, four other committees in the next thirty years ( K Santhanam Committee-1963,Ashok Mehta Committee 1978, GK Rao Committee-1985 and LM Singvi Committee 1986) proposed a serious of proposals to revitalize Panchayat Raj institutions – as per the Directive Principles of the State Policy, mentioned in Article 40 : “ the state shall take steps to organise village panchayats and endow them with such powers and authority as may be necessary to enable them to function as unit of self-governments”. It took forty-five years of political and policy process to move this from an aspiration of the directive policy to a justiciable guarantee of the constitution. Apart from the 73rd and 74th amendments, the most important step towards grassroots democratisation is the Panchyat Extension to the Scheduled areas Act 1996, by making Gram sabhas (people’s committee/meetings at the grassroots level) as viable means towards direct participatory democracy.
One of the major hurdles in realising the true democratic and political potential of the Local-self Governance is the structural and systemic resistance by the bureaucracy and the political elites in control of the important state apparatus. There is a tension between the instrumental value of Panchyat Raj Institutions (PRIs) in community development and project implementation and the intrinsic value of PRI as strong political institutions with regulatory and administrative power- with adequate united funds and fiscal capacity. Following the Blawantrari Mheta committee recommendations, PRIs were expected to be the main vehicle for the community development projects. However, the funding for community development projects stagnated by the mid 1960s and Panchyats got stagnated without adequate funds and authorities.
Even after the constitutional amendments, one of the major hurdles is that in spite of various measures to devolve administrative and implementing mechanisms of the state, there has not been adequate measure of the devolution of finance, functions and functionaries to the PRIs. There are indeed few states, like Kerala, Karnataka and Madhya Pradesh, made important step towards this, though true devolution of political and financial power still remain far from being realized. In a dissenting note to the Ashok Mehta Committee report (1978), one of the members of the Committee EMS Namboodiripad made a very pertinent remark: “Democracy at the Central and State levels, but bureaucracy at all lower levels- this is the essence of the Indian Polity as spelt out in the Constitution. I cannot think of anything other than the integral parts of countries administration with any difference of what are called ‘development’ and ‘regulatory’ functions. I am afraid that the ghost of the earlier idea that Panchayat Raj institutions should be completely divorced from all regulatory functions is haunting my colleagues. What is required is that , while certain definite fields of administration like defence, foreign affairs, currency, communication etc should rest with the centre and all the rest should be transferred to the States and from the there to the district and lower level of local administrative bodies”. Even now one of the key challenges is the transition of the role of PRIs from mere local level implementing agencies to that of real local-self government institutions with political, financial, administrative and regulatory power in setting the agenda for local social and economic development.
There have been some very bold initiatives like the People’s Planning Process in Kerala that point towards the potential of peoples participation in Local Self Governance and the possibilities of Panchayats. In spite of few such innovative initiatives to strengthen PRIs and people’s participation, there are still major structural challenges to make them the vehicles for substantive democratisation at the grass-roots level. Some of them are to do with the very architecture of the governance process in India and some of them are to do with the character and nature of political power in India.
Some of the key challenges and issues are the following:
1) The challenge of transforming PRIs as the location of countervailing power of people to claim their rights and demand direct social accountability
2) The potential for PRIs to become the key vehicles for social transformation by ensuring the active agency and participation of women and marginalised section of the society. Such a role of PRIs would help women and marginalised sections of the society to assert the political space and demand to an inclusive social and economic agenda.
3) There seems to be a strong link between a vibrant local democracy and human development- as there would be more strategic allocation and effective expenditure of resources to promote on primary health care, education and sustainable environment. However, there is less role of PRIs in ensuring quality primary health care and education at the grassroots level
4) The success of PRIs is also influenced by the effective delivery of basic services to the poor and marginalised sections. Hence, macro-policy framework that ensures the right to livelihood is critical to success of PRIs as an important vehicle for poverty eradication.
5) Devolution of finance, particularly untied funds, is crucial to the success of PRIs as the means for Local Governance.
6) Deliberate efforts to remove the administrative, legal and procedural anomalies would be important to make the PRIs effective.
7) PRIs offer the most effective means for social accountability and transparency. Hence, devolving finance would help to reduce the instances of large-scale and entrenched corruption. The Eleventh Finance Commission, analysing the issue of Centre-state financial relations, highlighted the need to strengthen the finance of local bodies. Hence, there is a need to have broader finance reform to ensure fiscal devolution through the national and state finance commission.
The experience of Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka and Uttar Pradesh demonstrated that the transfer of funds, functions and functionaries would be critical to effective decentralisation. An effective policy framework for decentralisation from above need to be complemented with social mobilization and democratisation from below. In Kerala, social mobilisation through neighbourhood groups and women’s groups such as Kudumbasree proved to be an effective means to strengthen the demand at the grassroots level and facilitate the participation of women and marginalised groups in Governance. Democratisation at the grassroots level requires space for voices of the poor and marginalised through networks of social mobilisation. Such a space for participation, demand for effective delivery of services and demand for accountability can strengthen process of socio-political empowerment and capabilities of the poor. A human rights based approach to governance is crucial for the grass-roots democratisation. Hence, empowerment of Gram sabhas is critical to the claiming of rights and asserting voices of the marginalised and poor. Unless the legal and administrative hurdles that often constrain the effective role of Gramsabha are removed, the potential of the PRIs would not be realised. It is important to recognise that there are entrenched pathologies of cast discrimination, patriarchy and identity based political dynamics at the grassroots level. Hence it is very important to have safeguard mechanism to ensure transparency and accountability. There can be systematic efforts for participatory governance assessments- such as social audit and people’s report card to make sure that PRIs are not subjected to elite capture or capture by one political party or group.
While PRIs are still a work in progress, there are many initiatives that undermine the role of PRIs. For example, more than Rs 2000 core is spent annually through the Local area Development Funds of MPs and MLAs. Most of such funds are often spent independently of the social and economic priorities of the PRIs. Such parallel systems of financing often can undermine the real governance role of PRIs with more powers to the political elites of a particular political party and the bureaucratic elites at the district level. There is also more potential for PRIs to become the primary institutions for disaster mitigation, sustainable development, and water conservation, facilitation of local economies and creation of employment opportunity at the grassroots level, through small and medium enterprises that make use of the local natural and agricultural resources.
The 73rd and 74th amendments provide us a unique opportunity for democratisation, social accountability, effective service delivery, poverty eradication and reduction of corruption and a more participatory democracy. In spite of all economic growth, there is still entrenched poverty, social and economic inequality in India. When there are islands of prosperity, surrounded by sea of poverty and inequality, the real participation of everyone as equal citizens would be more challenging than it is assumed. We may have to go miles before realizing the dream of Gram Swaraj of Gandhi: “Every village has to become a self-sufficient republic. This require brave, corporate and intelligent work.....I have not pictured a poverty stricken India containing ignorant millions. I have pictured an India continually progressing along the lines best suited to her genius. I do not, however, picture it as a third class or even first class copy of the dying civilization of the west. If my dream is fulfilled everyone of the seven lakhs villages becomes a well-living republic in which there are no illiteracy, in which no one is idle for want of work, in which everyone is usefully occupied and has nourishing food and well-ventilated dwellings, and sufficient Khadi for covering the body and in which all villagers observe the laws of hygiene and sanitation”
Monday, August 16, 2010
Saturday, August 14, 2010
Freedom
Freedom...at last!
Promised,pledged ,
And postponed...
Freedom - at least.
Waiting to be redeemed
Freedom
From Fear
From Hunger
For dignity
Freedom to be free.
India- an imagination
A billion dreams.
waiting to bloom
For a new tryst with destiny!!
Promised,pledged ,
And postponed...
Freedom - at least.
Waiting to be redeemed
Freedom
From Fear
From Hunger
For dignity
Freedom to be free.
India- an imagination
A billion dreams.
waiting to bloom
For a new tryst with destiny!!
Wednesday, July 28, 2010
Whose Language? What English?
(Notes on Language and Communications)
John Samuel
There are different notions about the effective use of a particular language. While many of the puritans would insist on ‘prescriptive’ use of a particular accent, pronunciation and grammar, many of the linguists would say the use of language needs to be seen in terms of ‘descriptive’ validity. The standardisation of language and ordering of ‘appropriate’ grammar is an exercise of power. There is a grammar of power in all communications. The power of communication also depends on the power of the communicator- in terms of ‘power-status’, knowledge and communicative skills.
Though English was introduced as a colonial language, now there are more people speaking in English outside the United Kingdom. So there is no more only ONE English language; there are many types of English- with variations in the accent, pronunciations, spellings and even grammatical preferences. The prevalence of a particular use of language has a lot to do with the power connotations of that language in a particular context of time and space. So today American accent or spellings and grammar may be more accepted than it was a hundred year ago. The power of Hollywood films and Internet provided relatively more acceptance to the American English which was considered as a ‘corrupt’ English by many. There are better known writers in English in India or former colonies than in the Anglo-Saxon world. Though there may be still few who are preoccupied with the RP (Received Pronunciation) accent, effective communicators are often less concerned about the ‘the RP accent’ and more focused on the communicative competence to convey an idea or connect with the audience. Communication is both about the competence and performance of language and message. It also means a sense of clarity about the message, audience and the purpose of communication.
Osho might be one of the most well known Indian communicators in the world. His books, audio and video presentations are sold across the world. His English had a very clear and evident Marwari accent. I had a chance to listen to his discourse. He was indeed a master of the art of communication. There was pindrop silence when he commenced his discourse. Every single word, interspersed with silence, straight went in like a ripple with a rare vibrance. The way he delivered his discourse- slowly and steadily- like a soothing wind, earned him millions of audience across the world. Often it is not the accent, it is the substance and the manner of delivery that make communication effective. Nelson Mandela- another inspiring communicator – too spoke in his own accent. Gandhi did have his Gujarati accent. Quite often the accent and pronunciation of English would be influenced by the mother-tounge of the a person. And for large number of people in the erstwhile colonies, English is only a second language. However, English is also the most effective lingua-franca in many countries and the world. The proficiency in English language gives a distinctive comparative advantage to effectively communicate to a world-wide audience.
It is one thing to have proficiency in a language and it is a different thing to have the ability to communicate effectively. Many people who may have excellent proficiency in a particular language may not be effective communicators. And when it comes to new modes of communications and broad casting, it is important to have special skills to communicate, using a particular medium- whether it is radio, TV, new media or social networks.
The issue of language and communication became crucial after the advent of TV. The name of the game changed after the TV became the direct medium of instant delivery. Here language and body language -looks, movement of eyes, posture – play a crucial role. It is a 'performance'- with an element of 'theatre'. In many parts of the world, people are 'trained' for days to 'perform' an interview. When I was the spoke person of an international organisation, and then global campaigns, I always had trouble with my communication staff. They would insist that I do a 'rehearsal' before I went to BBC, CNN or some other international channel for an interview or to deliver a specific message. They wanted to do trail run- with script. And they insisted on sticking to the 'script'- and I never stuck to the 'script': I did most of them on the 'instinct' of the moment, with one or two lines. And the feedback proved that the communication was effective. There is a difference between the communicative strategies in a long TV interview and short and crisp point on an issue or event. If one is a spoke person, one needs to choose few sentence carefully - and deliver it very clearly; all within a minute or two. It is a bit like visual twitter. The message has to be ABC- Accurate, Brief and Clear- and of course 'sexy'!
Even when we speak one language, there are different variations of the same language for different audiences. And the communicative strategies and the manner of delivery would differ based on the context, audience and the purpose of such communication. Some of us speak four or five kinds of English, depending on the audience, context and medium. The accent, choice of words, the speed too may change! For a successful politician who would like to be a statesman/woman, the skills to speak in different 'registers' of the same language and the proficiency in different languages do matter.
The communicative strategy of a politician to his/her constituency would depend not only on the use of language. It will depend on the use of body language, the attitude of communication, and 'speech-act'. It is a cumulative link between the person, promises, language and delivery. So in spite of his 'stammering' , EMS emerged as a good communicator - due to this cumulative effect of a communication strategy- and in his case that included writing as well. Pranab Mukarjee speaks English like a Bengali! In all such cases (including AK Antony) it is the cumulative communicative competence - not a particular- delivery that matters.
In the age of TV, expectations have changed. The mike used by the TV crew is called 'the gun-mike'- where a politician is the 'target'- he/she has to choose every word; and timing and manner of delivery is very important. One blunder can cost him/her the job!
So in the age of telegenic communications, the 'communicative' expectations changed dramatically. That is why the telegenic politicians also began to get prominence in the media discourse: Pramod Mahajan, Arun Jaitly. Kapil Sibal, Chidambaram, Jayaram. Murasoli maran, etc. None of them have the mass base of Shard Pawar or AK Antony. In fact, anyone of the got hardly any mass-base, and to a large extent their telegenic performance played role in giving them a space in the power-network. Sashi Tharoor too belongs to this 'telegenic' category- and he has the advantage of the ability to speak in four or five languages. However, telegenic performance- and networking capability alone are not good enough to make one's political sustainability.
Many well known leaders would insist speaking in his/her language in the international stage. Most of the leaders from Europe, China, Russia or Japan would prefer to speak in their mother-tounge, in spite of their proficiency in English, in the international stage. President Lula of Brazil hardly speaks in English- though he can understand few sentences. But Lula is one of the most effective communicators that I have come across. The man is amazing, and his communication (language and body language) is charismatic with a magnetic effect to attract the attention of the audience. In spite of not speaking English, he proved to a leader with a range of communicative strategies and skills.
John Samuel
There are different notions about the effective use of a particular language. While many of the puritans would insist on ‘prescriptive’ use of a particular accent, pronunciation and grammar, many of the linguists would say the use of language needs to be seen in terms of ‘descriptive’ validity. The standardisation of language and ordering of ‘appropriate’ grammar is an exercise of power. There is a grammar of power in all communications. The power of communication also depends on the power of the communicator- in terms of ‘power-status’, knowledge and communicative skills.
Though English was introduced as a colonial language, now there are more people speaking in English outside the United Kingdom. So there is no more only ONE English language; there are many types of English- with variations in the accent, pronunciations, spellings and even grammatical preferences. The prevalence of a particular use of language has a lot to do with the power connotations of that language in a particular context of time and space. So today American accent or spellings and grammar may be more accepted than it was a hundred year ago. The power of Hollywood films and Internet provided relatively more acceptance to the American English which was considered as a ‘corrupt’ English by many. There are better known writers in English in India or former colonies than in the Anglo-Saxon world. Though there may be still few who are preoccupied with the RP (Received Pronunciation) accent, effective communicators are often less concerned about the ‘the RP accent’ and more focused on the communicative competence to convey an idea or connect with the audience. Communication is both about the competence and performance of language and message. It also means a sense of clarity about the message, audience and the purpose of communication.
Osho might be one of the most well known Indian communicators in the world. His books, audio and video presentations are sold across the world. His English had a very clear and evident Marwari accent. I had a chance to listen to his discourse. He was indeed a master of the art of communication. There was pindrop silence when he commenced his discourse. Every single word, interspersed with silence, straight went in like a ripple with a rare vibrance. The way he delivered his discourse- slowly and steadily- like a soothing wind, earned him millions of audience across the world. Often it is not the accent, it is the substance and the manner of delivery that make communication effective. Nelson Mandela- another inspiring communicator – too spoke in his own accent. Gandhi did have his Gujarati accent. Quite often the accent and pronunciation of English would be influenced by the mother-tounge of the a person. And for large number of people in the erstwhile colonies, English is only a second language. However, English is also the most effective lingua-franca in many countries and the world. The proficiency in English language gives a distinctive comparative advantage to effectively communicate to a world-wide audience.
It is one thing to have proficiency in a language and it is a different thing to have the ability to communicate effectively. Many people who may have excellent proficiency in a particular language may not be effective communicators. And when it comes to new modes of communications and broad casting, it is important to have special skills to communicate, using a particular medium- whether it is radio, TV, new media or social networks.
The issue of language and communication became crucial after the advent of TV. The name of the game changed after the TV became the direct medium of instant delivery. Here language and body language -looks, movement of eyes, posture – play a crucial role. It is a 'performance'- with an element of 'theatre'. In many parts of the world, people are 'trained' for days to 'perform' an interview. When I was the spoke person of an international organisation, and then global campaigns, I always had trouble with my communication staff. They would insist that I do a 'rehearsal' before I went to BBC, CNN or some other international channel for an interview or to deliver a specific message. They wanted to do trail run- with script. And they insisted on sticking to the 'script'- and I never stuck to the 'script': I did most of them on the 'instinct' of the moment, with one or two lines. And the feedback proved that the communication was effective. There is a difference between the communicative strategies in a long TV interview and short and crisp point on an issue or event. If one is a spoke person, one needs to choose few sentence carefully - and deliver it very clearly; all within a minute or two. It is a bit like visual twitter. The message has to be ABC- Accurate, Brief and Clear- and of course 'sexy'!
Even when we speak one language, there are different variations of the same language for different audiences. And the communicative strategies and the manner of delivery would differ based on the context, audience and the purpose of such communication. Some of us speak four or five kinds of English, depending on the audience, context and medium. The accent, choice of words, the speed too may change! For a successful politician who would like to be a statesman/woman, the skills to speak in different 'registers' of the same language and the proficiency in different languages do matter.
The communicative strategy of a politician to his/her constituency would depend not only on the use of language. It will depend on the use of body language, the attitude of communication, and 'speech-act'. It is a cumulative link between the person, promises, language and delivery. So in spite of his 'stammering' , EMS emerged as a good communicator - due to this cumulative effect of a communication strategy- and in his case that included writing as well. Pranab Mukarjee speaks English like a Bengali! In all such cases (including AK Antony) it is the cumulative communicative competence - not a particular- delivery that matters.
In the age of TV, expectations have changed. The mike used by the TV crew is called 'the gun-mike'- where a politician is the 'target'- he/she has to choose every word; and timing and manner of delivery is very important. One blunder can cost him/her the job!
So in the age of telegenic communications, the 'communicative' expectations changed dramatically. That is why the telegenic politicians also began to get prominence in the media discourse: Pramod Mahajan, Arun Jaitly. Kapil Sibal, Chidambaram, Jayaram. Murasoli maran, etc. None of them have the mass base of Shard Pawar or AK Antony. In fact, anyone of the got hardly any mass-base, and to a large extent their telegenic performance played role in giving them a space in the power-network. Sashi Tharoor too belongs to this 'telegenic' category- and he has the advantage of the ability to speak in four or five languages. However, telegenic performance- and networking capability alone are not good enough to make one's political sustainability.
Many well known leaders would insist speaking in his/her language in the international stage. Most of the leaders from Europe, China, Russia or Japan would prefer to speak in their mother-tounge, in spite of their proficiency in English, in the international stage. President Lula of Brazil hardly speaks in English- though he can understand few sentences. But Lula is one of the most effective communicators that I have come across. The man is amazing, and his communication (language and body language) is charismatic with a magnetic effect to attract the attention of the audience. In spite of not speaking English, he proved to a leader with a range of communicative strategies and skills.
Thursday, July 8, 2010
Growing Intolerance and Neo-conservativism in Kerala
John Samuel
Kerala has been well known for its legacy of peaceful co-existence and cosmopolitan social ethos shared by various religious communities. The two major religions, Islam and Christianity, took root in the society of Kerala from the very early years of both religions- and both were introduced more through the trade and words, rather than the sword or war. More than 25% of the population are Muslims and more than 20% are Christians. People, belonging to Hindu, Islam and Christian communities, lived together peacefully for centuries and nurtured their Malayalai identity and played a key role in enriching the culture, society, economy and political process of the state. In spite of the multiple religious or cast identities, it is the cosmopolitan social ethos that made Kerala a very dinstinct society known for its communal harmony, peace and social development. The people from various religious or cast groups nurtured and shared the same cultural, social, economic and political space. However, there are alarming signs of a growing intolerance and neo-conservative trends in Kerala. The growing religious and cast sectarianism, neo-conservatism and the new divisive political trends need to be challenged and changed.
There have been new tendencies of asserting various shades of identity politics – based on a politics of exclusion and also new pressure politics, based purely on a religious, denominational or cast identity. There is a growing sense of soft and hard sectarianism of various shades. And above all there is also trend to do ‘moral policing’ even by those parties who are expected to uphold ‘progressive’ values and gender justice. The entrenched patriarchal attitude and the new tendency of even questioning any man and woman travelling together tend to give an impression of very regressive neo-conservative trends in the society. Instead of challenging these trends, political parties seem to be more interested in fishing in the muddled water. Hence, we need to identify some of the disturbing trends within the society.
1) One does not need any micro-scope to find how various competing strands of 'communalism' (of the majoritarian and minoritarian types) feed in to each other in the forms of soft and hard sectarianism happening in the society and politics of Kerala today. There are many actors- including those from the 'minority' community- responsible for nurturing new kind of sectarianism, intolerance and consequent reactionary violence in Kerala society. The statements of less enlightened and more sectarian Bishops- and the 'pressure politics' played by many in the name of 'institutional interests' of few vested interests operating in the name of Christian and Muslim communities too contributed to the new conservatism and sectarianism within Kerala society. And then there is soft -hindutva getting more 'reactionary' acceptance within a very significant number of middle class of Kerala. And political parties seem to be more interested in the 'vote' outputs that emerge out of such new sectarian communalism of the soft- and hard varieties, rather than playing a role to address the causes and consequence of it.
2) This new kind of sectarian new- conservatism is also nurtured by new sectarian pressure politics practiced by the leaders of some community - 'representing' organizations. One could very much identify such sectarian and neo-conservative tones in the statements of some of the new leaders of cast-based community organizations such SNDP and NSS. So we reach this sad and shocking predicament as a society due to cumulative impact of sectarian indoctrination of various kinds among Christians, Muslims and Hindus of Kerala. This gets fueled by a new kind of identity politics of exclusion( in the last fifteen years) - with a mock liberal rhetoric- with a seemingly 'subaltern' content - and deeply sectarian and conservative social agenda propagated by few groups in Kerala. Any sectarian divisive politics in the name of religion- or promoted primarily by an exclusive religious identity can be dangerous in the context of Kerala- where each of the community are big enough to create social disintegration, political decadence and eventually multiple forms of violence and criminalization within Kerala and elsewhere. As of now it gets manifested in such incidents now and then - and due to the 'middle- class' character of all communities, there is less scope for massive violence in Kerala- as of now
3) The recent criminal and violent attack on the Professor (who framed a question paper with sectarian undertones), chopping off his hand, by fanatic people is also an outcome of the kind of such cumulative indoctrination of intolerance.
Now it is alleged that those who are arrested are affiliated to a particular group - which has a 'secular' sounding name - and supposed to be involved in 'subaltern' politics. Such formations are accused for their mock-liberal veneer and neo-conservative Islamic core and divisive political and social agenda. It is up to these formations to come clear on the increasing perceptions about the integrity of their politics.
4) Irrespective of the 'truth' of the matter, such kinds of planned attack cannot be executed by a local group simply for the sake of it. Such kind of attack can be a much planned strategy by some vested interested and fanatic groups to polarize the various religious communities in Kerala. There is a very sinister and dangerous political planning behind such 'symbolic' disposal of 'justice' against someone who might have made framed a very questionable question in a question paper, in a society that is being increasingly intolerant to each other.
5) It is important for all saner and sensible people across all religions and cast react against not just the disturbing incident of the attack against a Professor, but against all sectarian and neo-conservative trends- promoted by all vested interest groups in all formations based on respective religious or cast identity. It is important to challenge and change the causes as well as consequence of the sectarian and neo-conservatism.
Of course, during such highly volatile moments, it is important for all major media and political parties to deal such situation with a sense of sensitivity and responsibility to the larger society and politics.
It is time for a social reform movement by civil society actors across religious, community and cast spectrum to challenge the disturbing social and political trends and to ensure that the defining cosmopolitan ethos of Kerala is maintained, nurtured and strengthened. Each of us have to take social, political and moral responsibility to promote peace and harmony in Kerala- by avoiding stereotypes, religious/communal prejudices and encouraging values of freedom, human rights, justice and peace within the family, society and politics.
Kerala has been well known for its legacy of peaceful co-existence and cosmopolitan social ethos shared by various religious communities. The two major religions, Islam and Christianity, took root in the society of Kerala from the very early years of both religions- and both were introduced more through the trade and words, rather than the sword or war. More than 25% of the population are Muslims and more than 20% are Christians. People, belonging to Hindu, Islam and Christian communities, lived together peacefully for centuries and nurtured their Malayalai identity and played a key role in enriching the culture, society, economy and political process of the state. In spite of the multiple religious or cast identities, it is the cosmopolitan social ethos that made Kerala a very dinstinct society known for its communal harmony, peace and social development. The people from various religious or cast groups nurtured and shared the same cultural, social, economic and political space. However, there are alarming signs of a growing intolerance and neo-conservative trends in Kerala. The growing religious and cast sectarianism, neo-conservatism and the new divisive political trends need to be challenged and changed.
There have been new tendencies of asserting various shades of identity politics – based on a politics of exclusion and also new pressure politics, based purely on a religious, denominational or cast identity. There is a growing sense of soft and hard sectarianism of various shades. And above all there is also trend to do ‘moral policing’ even by those parties who are expected to uphold ‘progressive’ values and gender justice. The entrenched patriarchal attitude and the new tendency of even questioning any man and woman travelling together tend to give an impression of very regressive neo-conservative trends in the society. Instead of challenging these trends, political parties seem to be more interested in fishing in the muddled water. Hence, we need to identify some of the disturbing trends within the society.
1) One does not need any micro-scope to find how various competing strands of 'communalism' (of the majoritarian and minoritarian types) feed in to each other in the forms of soft and hard sectarianism happening in the society and politics of Kerala today. There are many actors- including those from the 'minority' community- responsible for nurturing new kind of sectarianism, intolerance and consequent reactionary violence in Kerala society. The statements of less enlightened and more sectarian Bishops- and the 'pressure politics' played by many in the name of 'institutional interests' of few vested interests operating in the name of Christian and Muslim communities too contributed to the new conservatism and sectarianism within Kerala society. And then there is soft -hindutva getting more 'reactionary' acceptance within a very significant number of middle class of Kerala. And political parties seem to be more interested in the 'vote' outputs that emerge out of such new sectarian communalism of the soft- and hard varieties, rather than playing a role to address the causes and consequence of it.
2) This new kind of sectarian new- conservatism is also nurtured by new sectarian pressure politics practiced by the leaders of some community - 'representing' organizations. One could very much identify such sectarian and neo-conservative tones in the statements of some of the new leaders of cast-based community organizations such SNDP and NSS. So we reach this sad and shocking predicament as a society due to cumulative impact of sectarian indoctrination of various kinds among Christians, Muslims and Hindus of Kerala. This gets fueled by a new kind of identity politics of exclusion( in the last fifteen years) - with a mock liberal rhetoric- with a seemingly 'subaltern' content - and deeply sectarian and conservative social agenda propagated by few groups in Kerala. Any sectarian divisive politics in the name of religion- or promoted primarily by an exclusive religious identity can be dangerous in the context of Kerala- where each of the community are big enough to create social disintegration, political decadence and eventually multiple forms of violence and criminalization within Kerala and elsewhere. As of now it gets manifested in such incidents now and then - and due to the 'middle- class' character of all communities, there is less scope for massive violence in Kerala- as of now
3) The recent criminal and violent attack on the Professor (who framed a question paper with sectarian undertones), chopping off his hand, by fanatic people is also an outcome of the kind of such cumulative indoctrination of intolerance.
Now it is alleged that those who are arrested are affiliated to a particular group - which has a 'secular' sounding name - and supposed to be involved in 'subaltern' politics. Such formations are accused for their mock-liberal veneer and neo-conservative Islamic core and divisive political and social agenda. It is up to these formations to come clear on the increasing perceptions about the integrity of their politics.
4) Irrespective of the 'truth' of the matter, such kinds of planned attack cannot be executed by a local group simply for the sake of it. Such kind of attack can be a much planned strategy by some vested interested and fanatic groups to polarize the various religious communities in Kerala. There is a very sinister and dangerous political planning behind such 'symbolic' disposal of 'justice' against someone who might have made framed a very questionable question in a question paper, in a society that is being increasingly intolerant to each other.
5) It is important for all saner and sensible people across all religions and cast react against not just the disturbing incident of the attack against a Professor, but against all sectarian and neo-conservative trends- promoted by all vested interest groups in all formations based on respective religious or cast identity. It is important to challenge and change the causes as well as consequence of the sectarian and neo-conservatism.
Of course, during such highly volatile moments, it is important for all major media and political parties to deal such situation with a sense of sensitivity and responsibility to the larger society and politics.
It is time for a social reform movement by civil society actors across religious, community and cast spectrum to challenge the disturbing social and political trends and to ensure that the defining cosmopolitan ethos of Kerala is maintained, nurtured and strengthened. Each of us have to take social, political and moral responsibility to promote peace and harmony in Kerala- by avoiding stereotypes, religious/communal prejudices and encouraging values of freedom, human rights, justice and peace within the family, society and politics.
Sunday, July 4, 2010
Kerala in Transit
John Samuel
There are many symptoms of a larger issue of social, cultural and political transition of Kerala in the context of new consumer materialism- that came to define our society, culture and politics in multiple ways.
Kerala society jumped from Feudalism to Consumerism via Communism - all within a span of sixty years. Hence, our own social and political culture became a strange and confusing mix of feudal- left- and consumerist- all in one! Hence we come across 'secular-communalists’, ‘patriarchal-feminists, ‘communal communists’, ‘middle-aged social views and post-modern political views’, spiritual entrepreneurs and those who preach communism and practice capitalism; where every hartal is a celebration. And most consumed item is alcohol and most of the money is spent on constructing huge homes- where no one lives!
We in Kerala talk endlessly on 'resisting' imperialism and 'globalisation' and also flaunt our son and daughters working in MNCs or soft-ware giants. We hate Bill Gates and love Microsoft! We have a cultivated sense of anti-Americanism and our leaders jump at any invitation by any dick and harry to make a visit to 'study' or to 'collaborate'.
We also jumped from a predominantly agriculture - (primary sector economy) - to service sector (Tertiary sector) economy within a span of 40 years. We have moved rather fast from a rural based joint-family or networked-family social settings to nuclear and post-nuclear settings. Majority of our people moved from lower-middle class subsistence economy culture to a surplus bank balance - fuelled by expatriated income.
The migration culture of Malayalies in the last seventy years and the money and ideas they brought back to Kerala played a very key role in influencing the society and politics more than what is being generally being acknowledged. From the nineties onwards, Kerala society is more in a post-nuclear family mode- where the members of a family are dispersed far and wide- and often virtually connected- or networked: rather than sharing a life or space. This also means a society of lots of elderly people and young people and nothing in between.
In a consumerist culture, self-worth is often derived and determined by modes and brands of 'acquisitions' and consumptions. So 'brand-value' often becomes an indicator of 'self-worth'. When people consume-or acquire anything more to 'show off' their 'status' they cease to live for themselves and begin to live in their consumption. So in Kerala, people construct houses, buy cars, get the latest mobile phone- etc often for something else (as status consumptions) than the real use.
This new consumer materialism- partly fuelled by expatriated income- and related social and political churning created a shift in our literary, social and political culture. Hence, Kerala is going through a social and cultural transition with political ramification. There is a new social and political churning among many of communities in Kerala, particularly among the Muslim Communities in the last ten years. Hence, we see multiple response and shifts - and ambivalence. This new churning among Muslim community has created a new sense of confidence, and assertion to negotiate with the mainstream political, social and cultural process in Kerala- as well as a reactionary politics -fuelled by the neo-Conservative and well funded fundamentalist- religious networks of all sorts.
One thing is clear: Kerala is in the midst of a deeper social and political transition. Many of the prominent political actors in the stage would fade away faster than many of us may think
There are many symptoms of a larger issue of social, cultural and political transition of Kerala in the context of new consumer materialism- that came to define our society, culture and politics in multiple ways.
Kerala society jumped from Feudalism to Consumerism via Communism - all within a span of sixty years. Hence, our own social and political culture became a strange and confusing mix of feudal- left- and consumerist- all in one! Hence we come across 'secular-communalists’, ‘patriarchal-feminists, ‘communal communists’, ‘middle-aged social views and post-modern political views’, spiritual entrepreneurs and those who preach communism and practice capitalism; where every hartal is a celebration. And most consumed item is alcohol and most of the money is spent on constructing huge homes- where no one lives!
We in Kerala talk endlessly on 'resisting' imperialism and 'globalisation' and also flaunt our son and daughters working in MNCs or soft-ware giants. We hate Bill Gates and love Microsoft! We have a cultivated sense of anti-Americanism and our leaders jump at any invitation by any dick and harry to make a visit to 'study' or to 'collaborate'.
We also jumped from a predominantly agriculture - (primary sector economy) - to service sector (Tertiary sector) economy within a span of 40 years. We have moved rather fast from a rural based joint-family or networked-family social settings to nuclear and post-nuclear settings. Majority of our people moved from lower-middle class subsistence economy culture to a surplus bank balance - fuelled by expatriated income.
The migration culture of Malayalies in the last seventy years and the money and ideas they brought back to Kerala played a very key role in influencing the society and politics more than what is being generally being acknowledged. From the nineties onwards, Kerala society is more in a post-nuclear family mode- where the members of a family are dispersed far and wide- and often virtually connected- or networked: rather than sharing a life or space. This also means a society of lots of elderly people and young people and nothing in between.
In a consumerist culture, self-worth is often derived and determined by modes and brands of 'acquisitions' and consumptions. So 'brand-value' often becomes an indicator of 'self-worth'. When people consume-or acquire anything more to 'show off' their 'status' they cease to live for themselves and begin to live in their consumption. So in Kerala, people construct houses, buy cars, get the latest mobile phone- etc often for something else (as status consumptions) than the real use.
This new consumer materialism- partly fuelled by expatriated income- and related social and political churning created a shift in our literary, social and political culture. Hence, Kerala is going through a social and cultural transition with political ramification. There is a new social and political churning among many of communities in Kerala, particularly among the Muslim Communities in the last ten years. Hence, we see multiple response and shifts - and ambivalence. This new churning among Muslim community has created a new sense of confidence, and assertion to negotiate with the mainstream political, social and cultural process in Kerala- as well as a reactionary politics -fuelled by the neo-Conservative and well funded fundamentalist- religious networks of all sorts.
One thing is clear: Kerala is in the midst of a deeper social and political transition. Many of the prominent political actors in the stage would fade away faster than many of us may think
Friday, May 14, 2010
Inclusive, Responsive and Capable State: Towards a transformative agenda in democratic Governance Practice
John Samuel
.
The multiple crises of economy, environment and governance brought back state in the centre of political and policy discourse. Those who promoted the idea of state as a corollary of the market seem to have lost their legitimacy- in the face of the multiple crises. So there is a need to revitalize the relationship between the people and state, in relation to the discourse on human development and democracy. The renewed focus on the role and relevance of “inclusive, responsive and capable” state is also a timely response to the multiple shifts in the development discourse and multiple forms of crises. Reclaiming the State in relation to people and in terms of responsiveness and capacity, in the context of development and democracy, is on the one hand a reaffirmation of the charter principles of the United Nations and on the other hand a commitment to realize the promises of the Millennium Declaration and the Millennium Development Goals.
The ongoing economic and climate crises exposed the fallacy of notions such as “more market mean less state” or “market knows best” or “maximum market- and “night-watchman state” and the consequent overemphasis of the market as the key driver of development. The Economic crises – resulting from the lack of regulation and the state oversight of finance capital market- would affect the less developed countries and poor people more than others. This would also reduce the level of available resources for development in the less developed economies. So financing for development and the idea of the development-state is back as a defining force. Reclaiming the state-to the centre of democratic governance discourse- point towards a transformative agenda to go beyond the top-down ‘technical fixes “of the market based-rational choice models to that of a more contextual political economical perspective- that recognize the role of power and “agency” of people - in terms of analyzing and addressing issues related to governance and human development. The political process at the national level and an understanding of the multi-dimensional aspects of power is crucial for the governance assessment and analysis. National ownership and the participation of multi-stakeholders and inclusive spaces for women, poor and marginalized are central to the transformative agenda of democratic governance.
While both civil society and market are important stakeholders in the process of development, the state-as the more concrete and evolved from of social contract- has the most legitimate role in ensuring human development and human rights, with equity, sustainability and peace. While an inclusive, responsive and capable state can provide enabling conditions for market and civil society, the primacy of the state – as the site of political process and as an expression of the sovereignty of citizens- is integral to the idea of democracy and development.
The legitimacy of the “inclusive, Responsive and Capable Sate” is the political legitimacy derived from the “origin “of power as well as based on the “exercise “of power. The effectiveness of the state to a large extent is based on the “Responsiveness and performance quality ‘of its institutions. A discussion on the state in the context of democratic governance draws attention to the ‘outcomes” of the state action and not only the process related to the government and the state. The normative principle of “Inclusiveness” has dimensions of peoples’ participation, non-discrimination, human rights and women’s rights. The principle of “Responsiveness” implies transparency, accountability, and delivery and quality of services. And a capable state is the one with capable institutions to effectively and efficiently raise and manage resources as well as the capacity to deliver human development and to ensure equity, sustainability and peace. The practice of “Inclusiveness” and “Responsiveness” – contribute towards the making of a “capable state”. The principles and practice of human rights, women’s rights, inclusive participation, transparency, accountable and responsive institutions, voices of the women, poor and marginalized, and delivering human development are central to the discourse of Democratic Governance.
Apart from stressing the importance of the election cycles in building the legitimate mandate, practice of democratic governance in relation to an Inclusive, Responsive and capable state will also involve number of specific elements, including:
a) Independent and capable and sustainable institutional framework of Parliament, executive, judiciary, election commission and an effective system of delivery of justice and development
b) A system of checks and balances, in which rightful role of the parliament in particular is duly respected
c) An effective, transparent, and responsive public administration system – and Local governance system can that can ensure the delivery of human development and justice in an inclusive manner
d) A set of anti-corruption institutions, to ensure the law making and other government decisions are in the light of the public interest and not for private gain;
e) Freedom of association, assembly and expression, basic rights that are needed for citizens to be able to organize and act collectively in civil society;
f) Access to Justice through- laws, policies and institutions- in consonance with the human rights, and an effective policing – as a responsive and accountable-public service to ensure security and peace.
g) Access to Information, so that citizens can know what state agents are doing; and
h) A range of institutional opportunities for citizens to input in matters of government and seek accountability, whether participation of local government, sending petitions to the representatives and ombudsmen, voting on referendum or engaging in other forms of political participation.
In the twentieth year of the shift to the Human Development paradigm and in the tenth year of the Millennium Declaration, the very idea of an “Inclusive, Responsive and Capable State” acquires a specific significance as the state has been a constant point of reference in the human development approach as well the rights based approach to development. Hence, bringing the perspective of “Inclusive, Responsive and Capable State” in to the centre of the discussions on democratic governance once again reinforces the legitimacy and primacy of the state -in relation to the human development paradigm, rights based approach and the promises of the Millennium Declaration- capable of providing enabling conditions for people to realize their human rights, expand their freedoms, to achieve MDG targets and to ensure equity, sustainability and peace.
It is indeed important to understand and appreciate the diversity of political process, socio-cultural, historical and economic contexts that shape and define the nature, character and performance of the state. Working towards an inclusive, responsive and capable state also means appreciating the process and the dynamics of power- in its multidimensional aspect- in different contexts. This would increasingly point towards the need to adopt a political economy perspective on analyzing and understanding the sources and nature of power in the context of democratic governance and as the basis for development programming. This task is indeed more challenging in the context of the countries that are in the midst of conflicts or those coping up with the post-conflict challenges.
This has also point towards the need for more south-south exchange of knowledge and practice across the world, particularly among countries with similar socio-economic, cultural or historical context. Hence the agenda towards an Inclusive, Responsive and Capable state is both a learning opportunity and an action agenda. Such an agenda will be transformative when people, particularly women, poor and marginalized, can reclaim the state and governance to claim political and policy spaces and to assert their dignity and rights as citizens.
.
The multiple crises of economy, environment and governance brought back state in the centre of political and policy discourse. Those who promoted the idea of state as a corollary of the market seem to have lost their legitimacy- in the face of the multiple crises. So there is a need to revitalize the relationship between the people and state, in relation to the discourse on human development and democracy. The renewed focus on the role and relevance of “inclusive, responsive and capable” state is also a timely response to the multiple shifts in the development discourse and multiple forms of crises. Reclaiming the State in relation to people and in terms of responsiveness and capacity, in the context of development and democracy, is on the one hand a reaffirmation of the charter principles of the United Nations and on the other hand a commitment to realize the promises of the Millennium Declaration and the Millennium Development Goals.
The ongoing economic and climate crises exposed the fallacy of notions such as “more market mean less state” or “market knows best” or “maximum market- and “night-watchman state” and the consequent overemphasis of the market as the key driver of development. The Economic crises – resulting from the lack of regulation and the state oversight of finance capital market- would affect the less developed countries and poor people more than others. This would also reduce the level of available resources for development in the less developed economies. So financing for development and the idea of the development-state is back as a defining force. Reclaiming the state-to the centre of democratic governance discourse- point towards a transformative agenda to go beyond the top-down ‘technical fixes “of the market based-rational choice models to that of a more contextual political economical perspective- that recognize the role of power and “agency” of people - in terms of analyzing and addressing issues related to governance and human development. The political process at the national level and an understanding of the multi-dimensional aspects of power is crucial for the governance assessment and analysis. National ownership and the participation of multi-stakeholders and inclusive spaces for women, poor and marginalized are central to the transformative agenda of democratic governance.
While both civil society and market are important stakeholders in the process of development, the state-as the more concrete and evolved from of social contract- has the most legitimate role in ensuring human development and human rights, with equity, sustainability and peace. While an inclusive, responsive and capable state can provide enabling conditions for market and civil society, the primacy of the state – as the site of political process and as an expression of the sovereignty of citizens- is integral to the idea of democracy and development.
The legitimacy of the “inclusive, Responsive and Capable Sate” is the political legitimacy derived from the “origin “of power as well as based on the “exercise “of power. The effectiveness of the state to a large extent is based on the “Responsiveness and performance quality ‘of its institutions. A discussion on the state in the context of democratic governance draws attention to the ‘outcomes” of the state action and not only the process related to the government and the state. The normative principle of “Inclusiveness” has dimensions of peoples’ participation, non-discrimination, human rights and women’s rights. The principle of “Responsiveness” implies transparency, accountability, and delivery and quality of services. And a capable state is the one with capable institutions to effectively and efficiently raise and manage resources as well as the capacity to deliver human development and to ensure equity, sustainability and peace. The practice of “Inclusiveness” and “Responsiveness” – contribute towards the making of a “capable state”. The principles and practice of human rights, women’s rights, inclusive participation, transparency, accountable and responsive institutions, voices of the women, poor and marginalized, and delivering human development are central to the discourse of Democratic Governance.
Apart from stressing the importance of the election cycles in building the legitimate mandate, practice of democratic governance in relation to an Inclusive, Responsive and capable state will also involve number of specific elements, including:
a) Independent and capable and sustainable institutional framework of Parliament, executive, judiciary, election commission and an effective system of delivery of justice and development
b) A system of checks and balances, in which rightful role of the parliament in particular is duly respected
c) An effective, transparent, and responsive public administration system – and Local governance system can that can ensure the delivery of human development and justice in an inclusive manner
d) A set of anti-corruption institutions, to ensure the law making and other government decisions are in the light of the public interest and not for private gain;
e) Freedom of association, assembly and expression, basic rights that are needed for citizens to be able to organize and act collectively in civil society;
f) Access to Justice through- laws, policies and institutions- in consonance with the human rights, and an effective policing – as a responsive and accountable-public service to ensure security and peace.
g) Access to Information, so that citizens can know what state agents are doing; and
h) A range of institutional opportunities for citizens to input in matters of government and seek accountability, whether participation of local government, sending petitions to the representatives and ombudsmen, voting on referendum or engaging in other forms of political participation.
In the twentieth year of the shift to the Human Development paradigm and in the tenth year of the Millennium Declaration, the very idea of an “Inclusive, Responsive and Capable State” acquires a specific significance as the state has been a constant point of reference in the human development approach as well the rights based approach to development. Hence, bringing the perspective of “Inclusive, Responsive and Capable State” in to the centre of the discussions on democratic governance once again reinforces the legitimacy and primacy of the state -in relation to the human development paradigm, rights based approach and the promises of the Millennium Declaration- capable of providing enabling conditions for people to realize their human rights, expand their freedoms, to achieve MDG targets and to ensure equity, sustainability and peace.
It is indeed important to understand and appreciate the diversity of political process, socio-cultural, historical and economic contexts that shape and define the nature, character and performance of the state. Working towards an inclusive, responsive and capable state also means appreciating the process and the dynamics of power- in its multidimensional aspect- in different contexts. This would increasingly point towards the need to adopt a political economy perspective on analyzing and understanding the sources and nature of power in the context of democratic governance and as the basis for development programming. This task is indeed more challenging in the context of the countries that are in the midst of conflicts or those coping up with the post-conflict challenges.
This has also point towards the need for more south-south exchange of knowledge and practice across the world, particularly among countries with similar socio-economic, cultural or historical context. Hence the agenda towards an Inclusive, Responsive and Capable state is both a learning opportunity and an action agenda. Such an agenda will be transformative when people, particularly women, poor and marginalized, can reclaim the state and governance to claim political and policy spaces and to assert their dignity and rights as citizens.
Wednesday, May 12, 2010
Unhappy Photos!
Unhappy photos
Of brutal murders
Of mutilated bodies
Of blood
Of tears
Residues of unfinished Revolution
In the name of unfulfilled dreams
Through the barrel of Guns
Guns don't cry
Guns kill dreams.
Dead dreams
Of still-born revolution
In the graveyards
Dirty old revolutions
The nostalgia
of youthful memories
of living dreams of revolution
Be Romantic-
As long as we don't see
such unhappy photos, and
As long as we can listen to
Happy music every day
As long as we can write
and read poems about promised lands
The land of 'milk and honey'
In our imaginative landscapes.
We live by illusions- small and big.
Close your eyes.
Don't see unhappy photos
Of trampled dead bodies
In the wasteland of dead dreams
Close your eyes
And listen to a morning Raaga...
And then 'life is beautiful'-
And then, we can get lost
In our youthful nostalgia
For the promised land of Canaan.
Postponed forever.
We live by dreams and death
Of brutal murders
Of mutilated bodies
Of blood
Of tears
Residues of unfinished Revolution
In the name of unfulfilled dreams
Through the barrel of Guns
Guns don't cry
Guns kill dreams.
Dead dreams
Of still-born revolution
In the graveyards
Dirty old revolutions
The nostalgia
of youthful memories
of living dreams of revolution
Be Romantic-
As long as we don't see
such unhappy photos, and
As long as we can listen to
Happy music every day
As long as we can write
and read poems about promised lands
The land of 'milk and honey'
In our imaginative landscapes.
We live by illusions- small and big.
Close your eyes.
Don't see unhappy photos
Of trampled dead bodies
In the wasteland of dead dreams
Close your eyes
And listen to a morning Raaga...
And then 'life is beautiful'-
And then, we can get lost
In our youthful nostalgia
For the promised land of Canaan.
Postponed forever.
We live by dreams and death
Tuesday, May 11, 2010
Love?
Love is another word.
Worlds within a word,
Word that define the world within
The self and the selfless.
Love,
the art of going beyond the self...
to touch, feel and sense the other
Love,
magic strings beyond the sight and sound
music that can't be heard
flowers that can't be seen.
Love,
the eternal
and ephemeral,
Within the reach...
And far-away
Love ,
a bird
that wants to fly ..away
From the cages of the self
Love,
Fragrance
In search of wind
Spring
In search of the sea
Leaves in search of the sun
A drop of ocean in the palm.
Love,
An Oasis
or a Mirage?
Love,
Divine
or profane?
Sacred
or sin?
God is Love
Worlds within a word,
Word that define the world within
The self and the selfless.
Love,
the art of going beyond the self...
to touch, feel and sense the other
Love,
magic strings beyond the sight and sound
music that can't be heard
flowers that can't be seen.
Love,
the eternal
and ephemeral,
Within the reach...
And far-away
Love ,
a bird
that wants to fly ..away
From the cages of the self
Love,
Fragrance
In search of wind
Spring
In search of the sea
Leaves in search of the sun
A drop of ocean in the palm.
Love,
An Oasis
or a Mirage?
Love,
Divine
or profane?
Sacred
or sin?
God is Love
Tuesday, March 30, 2010
Revival of Religions in a changing world
John Samuel
There is a revival of institutional religion across the world.
In different parts of the world there is an increasing visibility of religion - both in its institutional forms and in terms of assertions of identity. This increasing prominence of religions and new forms of religious formations may have to be located in the emerging social psychology of communities and people who are undergoing socio-economic and cultural transitions. There is an unprecedented transition in the context of migration of communities and the increasing perceptions about socio-cultural and economic inequality across the world. There is an increasing sense of multiple layers and process of alienation, emerging out of multiple levels of "dislocations' of the self, community and identity. The increasing trends of urbanization, migrations within and beyond the borders of a country, consumerism and aggressive construction of images in the context of globalization of media create new sense of individual and collective sense of insecurity and alienation.
However, the relative visibility of the institutional religion may be also due to the increasing role of "image" industry , rather than true 'conversion' or transformation of people from one faith to another. Religion has many manifestations and we often tend to confuse Institutionalized religion- with many other aspect of religion ( personal experience, belief, theology etc).
The revival of institutionalized religion is partly because of high visibility in the context of media explosion in the last ten years. As Institutionalized religions are historically strong in terms of institutionalized resources (money, network, people, structures etc), they could easily make use of the new media and TV to acquire more visibility. The number of genuine Christians ( in terms of personal experience of a preferred personal faith) might not have increased, but certainly the TV marketing has increased many folds. And such new visibility of "images" can create new delusions and illusions of an accentuated religion- without necessary "spiritual" transformation in the real lives of real people.
Then there are new insecurities in the context of social, economic and political transitions- and consequent feeling of alienation in the particular context of globalization. For example, there are enough evidence that those belong to the migrant communities tend to be more religious. This could be partly because of sociological and cultural reasons. The same way I feel happy to meet an Indian or South Asian in Oslo, the Sudanese would like to meet a fellow Sudanese. The nodal points of such identity -network often tend to be religious venues. So many Tamil people may come to know each other in a temple or a Bangladeshi will come to know each other in a Bengali Mosque etc. This is to do with relative marginalization ( in terms of space, cultural-comfort zone etc) of migrant communities.
There are also economic and social insecurity- more tensions and consequences of losing a job or being "alone" in the crowd- in a multi-cultural environment. These too add the quest for a "sense of belonging" and "identity" gets actually accentuated when one "feels" to be marginalized in a given context. So many of the first generation malayali migrants often feel more strongly about "being a malayali" than those who live in kerala. Hence, proliferation of malayali organizations in the Gulf and elsewhere( and many literary awards- and Malayalam blogs etc). This also often takes a religious/denominational ( cast, creed etc) dimensions among newly urbanized or migrant communities , in the context of increased sense of insecurity in a different socio-cultural and political settings.
There is a new sense of alienation due to increased "individuation"- and consequent "feel" of being "lonely" and "insecure". This has also a dimension of age- when one is too young( with an increased anxiety about job) and when one is in to middle-age( the fear of losing job, falling sick etc). This new sense of insecurity has also something to do with new consumerism and globalization of economy, where expectations about oneself( as a consumer who would like to "possess" certain quality of comforts) and consequent insecurity that emanates from the new "hire" and "fire" culture also create new insecurity. So here too one often finds more and more young people and those who cross the middle age tend to seek solace in new "spiritual" market of various sorts- from Deepak chopra to the tele-marketing firms of pop-religion of various sorts.
In the case of countries and communities where there is a social disintegration of erstwhile collective institutional structures( e.g. tribal communities in Africa or joint families or the old-neighborhood parish or temple) are disintegrated, there is a scope for new network-based identity formation. It is in such a space that network religion- and cell-churches grew exponentially. Such a process of social disintegration of erstwhile structures and process of "collective spaces of sharing" also happened due to the unprecedented trend of urbanization and movement/migration of people across countries and world. So the shifts from joint families to post-nuclear families and tribal collectivism also create new forms of individuation and multiple forms of "dislocations" and resultant "alienation".
It is in this context that institutionalized religions get transformed in to "spiritual" or "solace" or "feel-good" modules of customized products in the spiritual market place. Such network mode of marketing helps to get consumers for "psycho-pills" of well-packaged and customized religion of various sorts. In the context of Christianity, the charismatic movement- and its networks forms of "customized' and "personalized" and "flexible" modules of packaged and commodified "spiritualism" got a new market of relatively more "lonely" and insecure people. That is one of the reasons that prosperity gospel is doing so well in a relatively poor African communities - in Africa as well as America. Prosperity gospels and "healing" ministries and "miracle" crusades are all basically working on the new insecurities among various people and communities who are in a state of transit.
We are in the midst of an unprecedented transition- in the history of the world and in terms of sociological and cultural shifts. In such phases of transitions there would be new forms of insecurities and alienation- social, economic and political. This would also create new sense of inequalities. And at an individual level, the most convenient thing is to seek one's own sense of "belonging" through identifying with immediate communities with a shared sense of "belonging". Such "belonging" can be based on color, creed or religion. The biggest and oldest institutionalized structures of "belonging" happened to be institutionalized religion. And such institutionalized religion got adapted to the new technology, media and globalised network to "service" their new "clients', using the good old pill in new modes of delivery.
Then there is also new sense of political insecurity that emanates from the "accentuated identities"( majority and minority) in the context of accentuated sense of insecurity( for example when young Australians find it difficult to find jobs- they would feel the "Indians" are "stealing" their jobs- and then the "Indians’ begin to get mobilized on the basis of being “Indians"). Such "accentuated" identities often become defensive in the minority contexts. So a young Muslim in Europe or UK may feel more "Muslim" often than the Muslim in a Dubai. The Christians Europe will feel "less Christian" than the "Christians" in India or China. The ongoing war in Afghanistan and Iraq or the new political tensions between Iran or North Korea are all a residual accentuation of the post-cold war period of the new geo-politics. And here too recent history gets replayed with history of multiple forms of colonialism and imperialism.
This post-cold war politics moved from "ideological" war to "identity" based contestations in many cases. The political-economy of such 'identities' get accentuated among migrant communities. When 'identity', in its soft or hard forms, tends to be the sub-texts of macro and micro politics, ordinary people often fall back to the most conveniet and accessible network of identity. So there is an increasing assertion of "Muslim' identity even among those people who have rather moderate or liberal approach to religion. There is an assertion of 'Hindu' identity where Hindus are in minority. Such assertions of identity are often cultural 'defensive' mechanism that emenate from social and cultural insecurities and sense of alienation.
There is a revival of institutional religion across the world.
In different parts of the world there is an increasing visibility of religion - both in its institutional forms and in terms of assertions of identity. This increasing prominence of religions and new forms of religious formations may have to be located in the emerging social psychology of communities and people who are undergoing socio-economic and cultural transitions. There is an unprecedented transition in the context of migration of communities and the increasing perceptions about socio-cultural and economic inequality across the world. There is an increasing sense of multiple layers and process of alienation, emerging out of multiple levels of "dislocations' of the self, community and identity. The increasing trends of urbanization, migrations within and beyond the borders of a country, consumerism and aggressive construction of images in the context of globalization of media create new sense of individual and collective sense of insecurity and alienation.
However, the relative visibility of the institutional religion may be also due to the increasing role of "image" industry , rather than true 'conversion' or transformation of people from one faith to another. Religion has many manifestations and we often tend to confuse Institutionalized religion- with many other aspect of religion ( personal experience, belief, theology etc).
The revival of institutionalized religion is partly because of high visibility in the context of media explosion in the last ten years. As Institutionalized religions are historically strong in terms of institutionalized resources (money, network, people, structures etc), they could easily make use of the new media and TV to acquire more visibility. The number of genuine Christians ( in terms of personal experience of a preferred personal faith) might not have increased, but certainly the TV marketing has increased many folds. And such new visibility of "images" can create new delusions and illusions of an accentuated religion- without necessary "spiritual" transformation in the real lives of real people.
Then there are new insecurities in the context of social, economic and political transitions- and consequent feeling of alienation in the particular context of globalization. For example, there are enough evidence that those belong to the migrant communities tend to be more religious. This could be partly because of sociological and cultural reasons. The same way I feel happy to meet an Indian or South Asian in Oslo, the Sudanese would like to meet a fellow Sudanese. The nodal points of such identity -network often tend to be religious venues. So many Tamil people may come to know each other in a temple or a Bangladeshi will come to know each other in a Bengali Mosque etc. This is to do with relative marginalization ( in terms of space, cultural-comfort zone etc) of migrant communities.
There are also economic and social insecurity- more tensions and consequences of losing a job or being "alone" in the crowd- in a multi-cultural environment. These too add the quest for a "sense of belonging" and "identity" gets actually accentuated when one "feels" to be marginalized in a given context. So many of the first generation malayali migrants often feel more strongly about "being a malayali" than those who live in kerala. Hence, proliferation of malayali organizations in the Gulf and elsewhere( and many literary awards- and Malayalam blogs etc). This also often takes a religious/denominational ( cast, creed etc) dimensions among newly urbanized or migrant communities , in the context of increased sense of insecurity in a different socio-cultural and political settings.
There is a new sense of alienation due to increased "individuation"- and consequent "feel" of being "lonely" and "insecure". This has also a dimension of age- when one is too young( with an increased anxiety about job) and when one is in to middle-age( the fear of losing job, falling sick etc). This new sense of insecurity has also something to do with new consumerism and globalization of economy, where expectations about oneself( as a consumer who would like to "possess" certain quality of comforts) and consequent insecurity that emanates from the new "hire" and "fire" culture also create new insecurity. So here too one often finds more and more young people and those who cross the middle age tend to seek solace in new "spiritual" market of various sorts- from Deepak chopra to the tele-marketing firms of pop-religion of various sorts.
In the case of countries and communities where there is a social disintegration of erstwhile collective institutional structures( e.g. tribal communities in Africa or joint families or the old-neighborhood parish or temple) are disintegrated, there is a scope for new network-based identity formation. It is in such a space that network religion- and cell-churches grew exponentially. Such a process of social disintegration of erstwhile structures and process of "collective spaces of sharing" also happened due to the unprecedented trend of urbanization and movement/migration of people across countries and world. So the shifts from joint families to post-nuclear families and tribal collectivism also create new forms of individuation and multiple forms of "dislocations" and resultant "alienation".
It is in this context that institutionalized religions get transformed in to "spiritual" or "solace" or "feel-good" modules of customized products in the spiritual market place. Such network mode of marketing helps to get consumers for "psycho-pills" of well-packaged and customized religion of various sorts. In the context of Christianity, the charismatic movement- and its networks forms of "customized' and "personalized" and "flexible" modules of packaged and commodified "spiritualism" got a new market of relatively more "lonely" and insecure people. That is one of the reasons that prosperity gospel is doing so well in a relatively poor African communities - in Africa as well as America. Prosperity gospels and "healing" ministries and "miracle" crusades are all basically working on the new insecurities among various people and communities who are in a state of transit.
We are in the midst of an unprecedented transition- in the history of the world and in terms of sociological and cultural shifts. In such phases of transitions there would be new forms of insecurities and alienation- social, economic and political. This would also create new sense of inequalities. And at an individual level, the most convenient thing is to seek one's own sense of "belonging" through identifying with immediate communities with a shared sense of "belonging". Such "belonging" can be based on color, creed or religion. The biggest and oldest institutionalized structures of "belonging" happened to be institutionalized religion. And such institutionalized religion got adapted to the new technology, media and globalised network to "service" their new "clients', using the good old pill in new modes of delivery.
Then there is also new sense of political insecurity that emanates from the "accentuated identities"( majority and minority) in the context of accentuated sense of insecurity( for example when young Australians find it difficult to find jobs- they would feel the "Indians" are "stealing" their jobs- and then the "Indians’ begin to get mobilized on the basis of being “Indians"). Such "accentuated" identities often become defensive in the minority contexts. So a young Muslim in Europe or UK may feel more "Muslim" often than the Muslim in a Dubai. The Christians Europe will feel "less Christian" than the "Christians" in India or China. The ongoing war in Afghanistan and Iraq or the new political tensions between Iran or North Korea are all a residual accentuation of the post-cold war period of the new geo-politics. And here too recent history gets replayed with history of multiple forms of colonialism and imperialism.
This post-cold war politics moved from "ideological" war to "identity" based contestations in many cases. The political-economy of such 'identities' get accentuated among migrant communities. When 'identity', in its soft or hard forms, tends to be the sub-texts of macro and micro politics, ordinary people often fall back to the most conveniet and accessible network of identity. So there is an increasing assertion of "Muslim' identity even among those people who have rather moderate or liberal approach to religion. There is an assertion of 'Hindu' identity where Hindus are in minority. Such assertions of identity are often cultural 'defensive' mechanism that emenate from social and cultural insecurities and sense of alienation.
Sunday, January 31, 2010
Oslo
John Samuel
A white drizzle
When the sun peeps in.
Snow sparkle like white sand
In the air and on the earth
Trees are in deep slumber
Leaves left for a holiday
White drizzle
And dancing snow, snow and snow
In the shades of a sunny day
Nobel with a white snow cap- at the Henrik Ibsen road
Ibsen looks happy in his Museum around the corner
Snow, snow and snow
white sheet over the earth
Palace on the hill
Roads can be slippery
Music in the winter
Guitarist at the Metro station
Little girls playing in the snow
The white winter that play with day and night
River is now a crystal white road
And the life moves on like a tram
Cars wait for you at the zebra crossing
No one is in a hurry
Warm people in a cold country
Hot vada at the lankan restaurant
Oslo is beautiful
JS.
OSlo 29.01.2010
A white drizzle
When the sun peeps in.
Snow sparkle like white sand
In the air and on the earth
Trees are in deep slumber
Leaves left for a holiday
White drizzle
And dancing snow, snow and snow
In the shades of a sunny day
Nobel with a white snow cap- at the Henrik Ibsen road
Ibsen looks happy in his Museum around the corner
Snow, snow and snow
white sheet over the earth
Palace on the hill
Roads can be slippery
Music in the winter
Guitarist at the Metro station
Little girls playing in the snow
The white winter that play with day and night
River is now a crystal white road
And the life moves on like a tram
Cars wait for you at the zebra crossing
No one is in a hurry
Warm people in a cold country
Hot vada at the lankan restaurant
Oslo is beautiful
JS.
OSlo 29.01.2010
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