(Notes on Language and Communications)
John Samuel
There are different notions about the effective use of a particular language. While many of the puritans would insist on ‘prescriptive’ use of a particular accent, pronunciation and grammar, many of the linguists would say the use of language needs to be seen in terms of ‘descriptive’ validity. The standardisation of language and ordering of ‘appropriate’ grammar is an exercise of power. There is a grammar of power in all communications. The power of communication also depends on the power of the communicator- in terms of ‘power-status’, knowledge and communicative skills.
Though English was introduced as a colonial language, now there are more people speaking in English outside the United Kingdom. So there is no more only ONE English language; there are many types of English- with variations in the accent, pronunciations, spellings and even grammatical preferences. The prevalence of a particular use of language has a lot to do with the power connotations of that language in a particular context of time and space. So today American accent or spellings and grammar may be more accepted than it was a hundred year ago. The power of Hollywood films and Internet provided relatively more acceptance to the American English which was considered as a ‘corrupt’ English by many. There are better known writers in English in India or former colonies than in the Anglo-Saxon world. Though there may be still few who are preoccupied with the RP (Received Pronunciation) accent, effective communicators are often less concerned about the ‘the RP accent’ and more focused on the communicative competence to convey an idea or connect with the audience. Communication is both about the competence and performance of language and message. It also means a sense of clarity about the message, audience and the purpose of communication.
Osho might be one of the most well known Indian communicators in the world. His books, audio and video presentations are sold across the world. His English had a very clear and evident Marwari accent. I had a chance to listen to his discourse. He was indeed a master of the art of communication. There was pindrop silence when he commenced his discourse. Every single word, interspersed with silence, straight went in like a ripple with a rare vibrance. The way he delivered his discourse- slowly and steadily- like a soothing wind, earned him millions of audience across the world. Often it is not the accent, it is the substance and the manner of delivery that make communication effective. Nelson Mandela- another inspiring communicator – too spoke in his own accent. Gandhi did have his Gujarati accent. Quite often the accent and pronunciation of English would be influenced by the mother-tounge of the a person. And for large number of people in the erstwhile colonies, English is only a second language. However, English is also the most effective lingua-franca in many countries and the world. The proficiency in English language gives a distinctive comparative advantage to effectively communicate to a world-wide audience.
It is one thing to have proficiency in a language and it is a different thing to have the ability to communicate effectively. Many people who may have excellent proficiency in a particular language may not be effective communicators. And when it comes to new modes of communications and broad casting, it is important to have special skills to communicate, using a particular medium- whether it is radio, TV, new media or social networks.
The issue of language and communication became crucial after the advent of TV. The name of the game changed after the TV became the direct medium of instant delivery. Here language and body language -looks, movement of eyes, posture – play a crucial role. It is a 'performance'- with an element of 'theatre'. In many parts of the world, people are 'trained' for days to 'perform' an interview. When I was the spoke person of an international organisation, and then global campaigns, I always had trouble with my communication staff. They would insist that I do a 'rehearsal' before I went to BBC, CNN or some other international channel for an interview or to deliver a specific message. They wanted to do trail run- with script. And they insisted on sticking to the 'script'- and I never stuck to the 'script': I did most of them on the 'instinct' of the moment, with one or two lines. And the feedback proved that the communication was effective. There is a difference between the communicative strategies in a long TV interview and short and crisp point on an issue or event. If one is a spoke person, one needs to choose few sentence carefully - and deliver it very clearly; all within a minute or two. It is a bit like visual twitter. The message has to be ABC- Accurate, Brief and Clear- and of course 'sexy'!
Even when we speak one language, there are different variations of the same language for different audiences. And the communicative strategies and the manner of delivery would differ based on the context, audience and the purpose of such communication. Some of us speak four or five kinds of English, depending on the audience, context and medium. The accent, choice of words, the speed too may change! For a successful politician who would like to be a statesman/woman, the skills to speak in different 'registers' of the same language and the proficiency in different languages do matter.
The communicative strategy of a politician to his/her constituency would depend not only on the use of language. It will depend on the use of body language, the attitude of communication, and 'speech-act'. It is a cumulative link between the person, promises, language and delivery. So in spite of his 'stammering' , EMS emerged as a good communicator - due to this cumulative effect of a communication strategy- and in his case that included writing as well. Pranab Mukarjee speaks English like a Bengali! In all such cases (including AK Antony) it is the cumulative communicative competence - not a particular- delivery that matters.
In the age of TV, expectations have changed. The mike used by the TV crew is called 'the gun-mike'- where a politician is the 'target'- he/she has to choose every word; and timing and manner of delivery is very important. One blunder can cost him/her the job!
So in the age of telegenic communications, the 'communicative' expectations changed dramatically. That is why the telegenic politicians also began to get prominence in the media discourse: Pramod Mahajan, Arun Jaitly. Kapil Sibal, Chidambaram, Jayaram. Murasoli maran, etc. None of them have the mass base of Shard Pawar or AK Antony. In fact, anyone of the got hardly any mass-base, and to a large extent their telegenic performance played role in giving them a space in the power-network. Sashi Tharoor too belongs to this 'telegenic' category- and he has the advantage of the ability to speak in four or five languages. However, telegenic performance- and networking capability alone are not good enough to make one's political sustainability.
Many well known leaders would insist speaking in his/her language in the international stage. Most of the leaders from Europe, China, Russia or Japan would prefer to speak in their mother-tounge, in spite of their proficiency in English, in the international stage. President Lula of Brazil hardly speaks in English- though he can understand few sentences. But Lula is one of the most effective communicators that I have come across. The man is amazing, and his communication (language and body language) is charismatic with a magnetic effect to attract the attention of the audience. In spite of not speaking English, he proved to a leader with a range of communicative strategies and skills.
Wednesday, July 28, 2010
Thursday, July 8, 2010
Growing Intolerance and Neo-conservativism in Kerala
John Samuel
Kerala has been well known for its legacy of peaceful co-existence and cosmopolitan social ethos shared by various religious communities. The two major religions, Islam and Christianity, took root in the society of Kerala from the very early years of both religions- and both were introduced more through the trade and words, rather than the sword or war. More than 25% of the population are Muslims and more than 20% are Christians. People, belonging to Hindu, Islam and Christian communities, lived together peacefully for centuries and nurtured their Malayalai identity and played a key role in enriching the culture, society, economy and political process of the state. In spite of the multiple religious or cast identities, it is the cosmopolitan social ethos that made Kerala a very dinstinct society known for its communal harmony, peace and social development. The people from various religious or cast groups nurtured and shared the same cultural, social, economic and political space. However, there are alarming signs of a growing intolerance and neo-conservative trends in Kerala. The growing religious and cast sectarianism, neo-conservatism and the new divisive political trends need to be challenged and changed.
There have been new tendencies of asserting various shades of identity politics – based on a politics of exclusion and also new pressure politics, based purely on a religious, denominational or cast identity. There is a growing sense of soft and hard sectarianism of various shades. And above all there is also trend to do ‘moral policing’ even by those parties who are expected to uphold ‘progressive’ values and gender justice. The entrenched patriarchal attitude and the new tendency of even questioning any man and woman travelling together tend to give an impression of very regressive neo-conservative trends in the society. Instead of challenging these trends, political parties seem to be more interested in fishing in the muddled water. Hence, we need to identify some of the disturbing trends within the society.
1) One does not need any micro-scope to find how various competing strands of 'communalism' (of the majoritarian and minoritarian types) feed in to each other in the forms of soft and hard sectarianism happening in the society and politics of Kerala today. There are many actors- including those from the 'minority' community- responsible for nurturing new kind of sectarianism, intolerance and consequent reactionary violence in Kerala society. The statements of less enlightened and more sectarian Bishops- and the 'pressure politics' played by many in the name of 'institutional interests' of few vested interests operating in the name of Christian and Muslim communities too contributed to the new conservatism and sectarianism within Kerala society. And then there is soft -hindutva getting more 'reactionary' acceptance within a very significant number of middle class of Kerala. And political parties seem to be more interested in the 'vote' outputs that emerge out of such new sectarian communalism of the soft- and hard varieties, rather than playing a role to address the causes and consequence of it.
2) This new kind of sectarian new- conservatism is also nurtured by new sectarian pressure politics practiced by the leaders of some community - 'representing' organizations. One could very much identify such sectarian and neo-conservative tones in the statements of some of the new leaders of cast-based community organizations such SNDP and NSS. So we reach this sad and shocking predicament as a society due to cumulative impact of sectarian indoctrination of various kinds among Christians, Muslims and Hindus of Kerala. This gets fueled by a new kind of identity politics of exclusion( in the last fifteen years) - with a mock liberal rhetoric- with a seemingly 'subaltern' content - and deeply sectarian and conservative social agenda propagated by few groups in Kerala. Any sectarian divisive politics in the name of religion- or promoted primarily by an exclusive religious identity can be dangerous in the context of Kerala- where each of the community are big enough to create social disintegration, political decadence and eventually multiple forms of violence and criminalization within Kerala and elsewhere. As of now it gets manifested in such incidents now and then - and due to the 'middle- class' character of all communities, there is less scope for massive violence in Kerala- as of now
3) The recent criminal and violent attack on the Professor (who framed a question paper with sectarian undertones), chopping off his hand, by fanatic people is also an outcome of the kind of such cumulative indoctrination of intolerance.
Now it is alleged that those who are arrested are affiliated to a particular group - which has a 'secular' sounding name - and supposed to be involved in 'subaltern' politics. Such formations are accused for their mock-liberal veneer and neo-conservative Islamic core and divisive political and social agenda. It is up to these formations to come clear on the increasing perceptions about the integrity of their politics.
4) Irrespective of the 'truth' of the matter, such kinds of planned attack cannot be executed by a local group simply for the sake of it. Such kind of attack can be a much planned strategy by some vested interested and fanatic groups to polarize the various religious communities in Kerala. There is a very sinister and dangerous political planning behind such 'symbolic' disposal of 'justice' against someone who might have made framed a very questionable question in a question paper, in a society that is being increasingly intolerant to each other.
5) It is important for all saner and sensible people across all religions and cast react against not just the disturbing incident of the attack against a Professor, but against all sectarian and neo-conservative trends- promoted by all vested interest groups in all formations based on respective religious or cast identity. It is important to challenge and change the causes as well as consequence of the sectarian and neo-conservatism.
Of course, during such highly volatile moments, it is important for all major media and political parties to deal such situation with a sense of sensitivity and responsibility to the larger society and politics.
It is time for a social reform movement by civil society actors across religious, community and cast spectrum to challenge the disturbing social and political trends and to ensure that the defining cosmopolitan ethos of Kerala is maintained, nurtured and strengthened. Each of us have to take social, political and moral responsibility to promote peace and harmony in Kerala- by avoiding stereotypes, religious/communal prejudices and encouraging values of freedom, human rights, justice and peace within the family, society and politics.
Kerala has been well known for its legacy of peaceful co-existence and cosmopolitan social ethos shared by various religious communities. The two major religions, Islam and Christianity, took root in the society of Kerala from the very early years of both religions- and both were introduced more through the trade and words, rather than the sword or war. More than 25% of the population are Muslims and more than 20% are Christians. People, belonging to Hindu, Islam and Christian communities, lived together peacefully for centuries and nurtured their Malayalai identity and played a key role in enriching the culture, society, economy and political process of the state. In spite of the multiple religious or cast identities, it is the cosmopolitan social ethos that made Kerala a very dinstinct society known for its communal harmony, peace and social development. The people from various religious or cast groups nurtured and shared the same cultural, social, economic and political space. However, there are alarming signs of a growing intolerance and neo-conservative trends in Kerala. The growing religious and cast sectarianism, neo-conservatism and the new divisive political trends need to be challenged and changed.
There have been new tendencies of asserting various shades of identity politics – based on a politics of exclusion and also new pressure politics, based purely on a religious, denominational or cast identity. There is a growing sense of soft and hard sectarianism of various shades. And above all there is also trend to do ‘moral policing’ even by those parties who are expected to uphold ‘progressive’ values and gender justice. The entrenched patriarchal attitude and the new tendency of even questioning any man and woman travelling together tend to give an impression of very regressive neo-conservative trends in the society. Instead of challenging these trends, political parties seem to be more interested in fishing in the muddled water. Hence, we need to identify some of the disturbing trends within the society.
1) One does not need any micro-scope to find how various competing strands of 'communalism' (of the majoritarian and minoritarian types) feed in to each other in the forms of soft and hard sectarianism happening in the society and politics of Kerala today. There are many actors- including those from the 'minority' community- responsible for nurturing new kind of sectarianism, intolerance and consequent reactionary violence in Kerala society. The statements of less enlightened and more sectarian Bishops- and the 'pressure politics' played by many in the name of 'institutional interests' of few vested interests operating in the name of Christian and Muslim communities too contributed to the new conservatism and sectarianism within Kerala society. And then there is soft -hindutva getting more 'reactionary' acceptance within a very significant number of middle class of Kerala. And political parties seem to be more interested in the 'vote' outputs that emerge out of such new sectarian communalism of the soft- and hard varieties, rather than playing a role to address the causes and consequence of it.
2) This new kind of sectarian new- conservatism is also nurtured by new sectarian pressure politics practiced by the leaders of some community - 'representing' organizations. One could very much identify such sectarian and neo-conservative tones in the statements of some of the new leaders of cast-based community organizations such SNDP and NSS. So we reach this sad and shocking predicament as a society due to cumulative impact of sectarian indoctrination of various kinds among Christians, Muslims and Hindus of Kerala. This gets fueled by a new kind of identity politics of exclusion( in the last fifteen years) - with a mock liberal rhetoric- with a seemingly 'subaltern' content - and deeply sectarian and conservative social agenda propagated by few groups in Kerala. Any sectarian divisive politics in the name of religion- or promoted primarily by an exclusive religious identity can be dangerous in the context of Kerala- where each of the community are big enough to create social disintegration, political decadence and eventually multiple forms of violence and criminalization within Kerala and elsewhere. As of now it gets manifested in such incidents now and then - and due to the 'middle- class' character of all communities, there is less scope for massive violence in Kerala- as of now
3) The recent criminal and violent attack on the Professor (who framed a question paper with sectarian undertones), chopping off his hand, by fanatic people is also an outcome of the kind of such cumulative indoctrination of intolerance.
Now it is alleged that those who are arrested are affiliated to a particular group - which has a 'secular' sounding name - and supposed to be involved in 'subaltern' politics. Such formations are accused for their mock-liberal veneer and neo-conservative Islamic core and divisive political and social agenda. It is up to these formations to come clear on the increasing perceptions about the integrity of their politics.
4) Irrespective of the 'truth' of the matter, such kinds of planned attack cannot be executed by a local group simply for the sake of it. Such kind of attack can be a much planned strategy by some vested interested and fanatic groups to polarize the various religious communities in Kerala. There is a very sinister and dangerous political planning behind such 'symbolic' disposal of 'justice' against someone who might have made framed a very questionable question in a question paper, in a society that is being increasingly intolerant to each other.
5) It is important for all saner and sensible people across all religions and cast react against not just the disturbing incident of the attack against a Professor, but against all sectarian and neo-conservative trends- promoted by all vested interest groups in all formations based on respective religious or cast identity. It is important to challenge and change the causes as well as consequence of the sectarian and neo-conservatism.
Of course, during such highly volatile moments, it is important for all major media and political parties to deal such situation with a sense of sensitivity and responsibility to the larger society and politics.
It is time for a social reform movement by civil society actors across religious, community and cast spectrum to challenge the disturbing social and political trends and to ensure that the defining cosmopolitan ethos of Kerala is maintained, nurtured and strengthened. Each of us have to take social, political and moral responsibility to promote peace and harmony in Kerala- by avoiding stereotypes, religious/communal prejudices and encouraging values of freedom, human rights, justice and peace within the family, society and politics.
Sunday, July 4, 2010
Kerala in Transit
John Samuel
There are many symptoms of a larger issue of social, cultural and political transition of Kerala in the context of new consumer materialism- that came to define our society, culture and politics in multiple ways.
Kerala society jumped from Feudalism to Consumerism via Communism - all within a span of sixty years. Hence, our own social and political culture became a strange and confusing mix of feudal- left- and consumerist- all in one! Hence we come across 'secular-communalists’, ‘patriarchal-feminists, ‘communal communists’, ‘middle-aged social views and post-modern political views’, spiritual entrepreneurs and those who preach communism and practice capitalism; where every hartal is a celebration. And most consumed item is alcohol and most of the money is spent on constructing huge homes- where no one lives!
We in Kerala talk endlessly on 'resisting' imperialism and 'globalisation' and also flaunt our son and daughters working in MNCs or soft-ware giants. We hate Bill Gates and love Microsoft! We have a cultivated sense of anti-Americanism and our leaders jump at any invitation by any dick and harry to make a visit to 'study' or to 'collaborate'.
We also jumped from a predominantly agriculture - (primary sector economy) - to service sector (Tertiary sector) economy within a span of 40 years. We have moved rather fast from a rural based joint-family or networked-family social settings to nuclear and post-nuclear settings. Majority of our people moved from lower-middle class subsistence economy culture to a surplus bank balance - fuelled by expatriated income.
The migration culture of Malayalies in the last seventy years and the money and ideas they brought back to Kerala played a very key role in influencing the society and politics more than what is being generally being acknowledged. From the nineties onwards, Kerala society is more in a post-nuclear family mode- where the members of a family are dispersed far and wide- and often virtually connected- or networked: rather than sharing a life or space. This also means a society of lots of elderly people and young people and nothing in between.
In a consumerist culture, self-worth is often derived and determined by modes and brands of 'acquisitions' and consumptions. So 'brand-value' often becomes an indicator of 'self-worth'. When people consume-or acquire anything more to 'show off' their 'status' they cease to live for themselves and begin to live in their consumption. So in Kerala, people construct houses, buy cars, get the latest mobile phone- etc often for something else (as status consumptions) than the real use.
This new consumer materialism- partly fuelled by expatriated income- and related social and political churning created a shift in our literary, social and political culture. Hence, Kerala is going through a social and cultural transition with political ramification. There is a new social and political churning among many of communities in Kerala, particularly among the Muslim Communities in the last ten years. Hence, we see multiple response and shifts - and ambivalence. This new churning among Muslim community has created a new sense of confidence, and assertion to negotiate with the mainstream political, social and cultural process in Kerala- as well as a reactionary politics -fuelled by the neo-Conservative and well funded fundamentalist- religious networks of all sorts.
One thing is clear: Kerala is in the midst of a deeper social and political transition. Many of the prominent political actors in the stage would fade away faster than many of us may think
There are many symptoms of a larger issue of social, cultural and political transition of Kerala in the context of new consumer materialism- that came to define our society, culture and politics in multiple ways.
Kerala society jumped from Feudalism to Consumerism via Communism - all within a span of sixty years. Hence, our own social and political culture became a strange and confusing mix of feudal- left- and consumerist- all in one! Hence we come across 'secular-communalists’, ‘patriarchal-feminists, ‘communal communists’, ‘middle-aged social views and post-modern political views’, spiritual entrepreneurs and those who preach communism and practice capitalism; where every hartal is a celebration. And most consumed item is alcohol and most of the money is spent on constructing huge homes- where no one lives!
We in Kerala talk endlessly on 'resisting' imperialism and 'globalisation' and also flaunt our son and daughters working in MNCs or soft-ware giants. We hate Bill Gates and love Microsoft! We have a cultivated sense of anti-Americanism and our leaders jump at any invitation by any dick and harry to make a visit to 'study' or to 'collaborate'.
We also jumped from a predominantly agriculture - (primary sector economy) - to service sector (Tertiary sector) economy within a span of 40 years. We have moved rather fast from a rural based joint-family or networked-family social settings to nuclear and post-nuclear settings. Majority of our people moved from lower-middle class subsistence economy culture to a surplus bank balance - fuelled by expatriated income.
The migration culture of Malayalies in the last seventy years and the money and ideas they brought back to Kerala played a very key role in influencing the society and politics more than what is being generally being acknowledged. From the nineties onwards, Kerala society is more in a post-nuclear family mode- where the members of a family are dispersed far and wide- and often virtually connected- or networked: rather than sharing a life or space. This also means a society of lots of elderly people and young people and nothing in between.
In a consumerist culture, self-worth is often derived and determined by modes and brands of 'acquisitions' and consumptions. So 'brand-value' often becomes an indicator of 'self-worth'. When people consume-or acquire anything more to 'show off' their 'status' they cease to live for themselves and begin to live in their consumption. So in Kerala, people construct houses, buy cars, get the latest mobile phone- etc often for something else (as status consumptions) than the real use.
This new consumer materialism- partly fuelled by expatriated income- and related social and political churning created a shift in our literary, social and political culture. Hence, Kerala is going through a social and cultural transition with political ramification. There is a new social and political churning among many of communities in Kerala, particularly among the Muslim Communities in the last ten years. Hence, we see multiple response and shifts - and ambivalence. This new churning among Muslim community has created a new sense of confidence, and assertion to negotiate with the mainstream political, social and cultural process in Kerala- as well as a reactionary politics -fuelled by the neo-Conservative and well funded fundamentalist- religious networks of all sorts.
One thing is clear: Kerala is in the midst of a deeper social and political transition. Many of the prominent political actors in the stage would fade away faster than many of us may think
Friday, May 14, 2010
Inclusive, Responsive and Capable State: Towards a transformative agenda in democratic Governance Practice
John Samuel
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The multiple crises of economy, environment and governance brought back state in the centre of political and policy discourse. Those who promoted the idea of state as a corollary of the market seem to have lost their legitimacy- in the face of the multiple crises. So there is a need to revitalize the relationship between the people and state, in relation to the discourse on human development and democracy. The renewed focus on the role and relevance of “inclusive, responsive and capable” state is also a timely response to the multiple shifts in the development discourse and multiple forms of crises. Reclaiming the State in relation to people and in terms of responsiveness and capacity, in the context of development and democracy, is on the one hand a reaffirmation of the charter principles of the United Nations and on the other hand a commitment to realize the promises of the Millennium Declaration and the Millennium Development Goals.
The ongoing economic and climate crises exposed the fallacy of notions such as “more market mean less state” or “market knows best” or “maximum market- and “night-watchman state” and the consequent overemphasis of the market as the key driver of development. The Economic crises – resulting from the lack of regulation and the state oversight of finance capital market- would affect the less developed countries and poor people more than others. This would also reduce the level of available resources for development in the less developed economies. So financing for development and the idea of the development-state is back as a defining force. Reclaiming the state-to the centre of democratic governance discourse- point towards a transformative agenda to go beyond the top-down ‘technical fixes “of the market based-rational choice models to that of a more contextual political economical perspective- that recognize the role of power and “agency” of people - in terms of analyzing and addressing issues related to governance and human development. The political process at the national level and an understanding of the multi-dimensional aspects of power is crucial for the governance assessment and analysis. National ownership and the participation of multi-stakeholders and inclusive spaces for women, poor and marginalized are central to the transformative agenda of democratic governance.
While both civil society and market are important stakeholders in the process of development, the state-as the more concrete and evolved from of social contract- has the most legitimate role in ensuring human development and human rights, with equity, sustainability and peace. While an inclusive, responsive and capable state can provide enabling conditions for market and civil society, the primacy of the state – as the site of political process and as an expression of the sovereignty of citizens- is integral to the idea of democracy and development.
The legitimacy of the “inclusive, Responsive and Capable Sate” is the political legitimacy derived from the “origin “of power as well as based on the “exercise “of power. The effectiveness of the state to a large extent is based on the “Responsiveness and performance quality ‘of its institutions. A discussion on the state in the context of democratic governance draws attention to the ‘outcomes” of the state action and not only the process related to the government and the state. The normative principle of “Inclusiveness” has dimensions of peoples’ participation, non-discrimination, human rights and women’s rights. The principle of “Responsiveness” implies transparency, accountability, and delivery and quality of services. And a capable state is the one with capable institutions to effectively and efficiently raise and manage resources as well as the capacity to deliver human development and to ensure equity, sustainability and peace. The practice of “Inclusiveness” and “Responsiveness” – contribute towards the making of a “capable state”. The principles and practice of human rights, women’s rights, inclusive participation, transparency, accountable and responsive institutions, voices of the women, poor and marginalized, and delivering human development are central to the discourse of Democratic Governance.
Apart from stressing the importance of the election cycles in building the legitimate mandate, practice of democratic governance in relation to an Inclusive, Responsive and capable state will also involve number of specific elements, including:
a) Independent and capable and sustainable institutional framework of Parliament, executive, judiciary, election commission and an effective system of delivery of justice and development
b) A system of checks and balances, in which rightful role of the parliament in particular is duly respected
c) An effective, transparent, and responsive public administration system – and Local governance system can that can ensure the delivery of human development and justice in an inclusive manner
d) A set of anti-corruption institutions, to ensure the law making and other government decisions are in the light of the public interest and not for private gain;
e) Freedom of association, assembly and expression, basic rights that are needed for citizens to be able to organize and act collectively in civil society;
f) Access to Justice through- laws, policies and institutions- in consonance with the human rights, and an effective policing – as a responsive and accountable-public service to ensure security and peace.
g) Access to Information, so that citizens can know what state agents are doing; and
h) A range of institutional opportunities for citizens to input in matters of government and seek accountability, whether participation of local government, sending petitions to the representatives and ombudsmen, voting on referendum or engaging in other forms of political participation.
In the twentieth year of the shift to the Human Development paradigm and in the tenth year of the Millennium Declaration, the very idea of an “Inclusive, Responsive and Capable State” acquires a specific significance as the state has been a constant point of reference in the human development approach as well the rights based approach to development. Hence, bringing the perspective of “Inclusive, Responsive and Capable State” in to the centre of the discussions on democratic governance once again reinforces the legitimacy and primacy of the state -in relation to the human development paradigm, rights based approach and the promises of the Millennium Declaration- capable of providing enabling conditions for people to realize their human rights, expand their freedoms, to achieve MDG targets and to ensure equity, sustainability and peace.
It is indeed important to understand and appreciate the diversity of political process, socio-cultural, historical and economic contexts that shape and define the nature, character and performance of the state. Working towards an inclusive, responsive and capable state also means appreciating the process and the dynamics of power- in its multidimensional aspect- in different contexts. This would increasingly point towards the need to adopt a political economy perspective on analyzing and understanding the sources and nature of power in the context of democratic governance and as the basis for development programming. This task is indeed more challenging in the context of the countries that are in the midst of conflicts or those coping up with the post-conflict challenges.
This has also point towards the need for more south-south exchange of knowledge and practice across the world, particularly among countries with similar socio-economic, cultural or historical context. Hence the agenda towards an Inclusive, Responsive and Capable state is both a learning opportunity and an action agenda. Such an agenda will be transformative when people, particularly women, poor and marginalized, can reclaim the state and governance to claim political and policy spaces and to assert their dignity and rights as citizens.
.
The multiple crises of economy, environment and governance brought back state in the centre of political and policy discourse. Those who promoted the idea of state as a corollary of the market seem to have lost their legitimacy- in the face of the multiple crises. So there is a need to revitalize the relationship between the people and state, in relation to the discourse on human development and democracy. The renewed focus on the role and relevance of “inclusive, responsive and capable” state is also a timely response to the multiple shifts in the development discourse and multiple forms of crises. Reclaiming the State in relation to people and in terms of responsiveness and capacity, in the context of development and democracy, is on the one hand a reaffirmation of the charter principles of the United Nations and on the other hand a commitment to realize the promises of the Millennium Declaration and the Millennium Development Goals.
The ongoing economic and climate crises exposed the fallacy of notions such as “more market mean less state” or “market knows best” or “maximum market- and “night-watchman state” and the consequent overemphasis of the market as the key driver of development. The Economic crises – resulting from the lack of regulation and the state oversight of finance capital market- would affect the less developed countries and poor people more than others. This would also reduce the level of available resources for development in the less developed economies. So financing for development and the idea of the development-state is back as a defining force. Reclaiming the state-to the centre of democratic governance discourse- point towards a transformative agenda to go beyond the top-down ‘technical fixes “of the market based-rational choice models to that of a more contextual political economical perspective- that recognize the role of power and “agency” of people - in terms of analyzing and addressing issues related to governance and human development. The political process at the national level and an understanding of the multi-dimensional aspects of power is crucial for the governance assessment and analysis. National ownership and the participation of multi-stakeholders and inclusive spaces for women, poor and marginalized are central to the transformative agenda of democratic governance.
While both civil society and market are important stakeholders in the process of development, the state-as the more concrete and evolved from of social contract- has the most legitimate role in ensuring human development and human rights, with equity, sustainability and peace. While an inclusive, responsive and capable state can provide enabling conditions for market and civil society, the primacy of the state – as the site of political process and as an expression of the sovereignty of citizens- is integral to the idea of democracy and development.
The legitimacy of the “inclusive, Responsive and Capable Sate” is the political legitimacy derived from the “origin “of power as well as based on the “exercise “of power. The effectiveness of the state to a large extent is based on the “Responsiveness and performance quality ‘of its institutions. A discussion on the state in the context of democratic governance draws attention to the ‘outcomes” of the state action and not only the process related to the government and the state. The normative principle of “Inclusiveness” has dimensions of peoples’ participation, non-discrimination, human rights and women’s rights. The principle of “Responsiveness” implies transparency, accountability, and delivery and quality of services. And a capable state is the one with capable institutions to effectively and efficiently raise and manage resources as well as the capacity to deliver human development and to ensure equity, sustainability and peace. The practice of “Inclusiveness” and “Responsiveness” – contribute towards the making of a “capable state”. The principles and practice of human rights, women’s rights, inclusive participation, transparency, accountable and responsive institutions, voices of the women, poor and marginalized, and delivering human development are central to the discourse of Democratic Governance.
Apart from stressing the importance of the election cycles in building the legitimate mandate, practice of democratic governance in relation to an Inclusive, Responsive and capable state will also involve number of specific elements, including:
a) Independent and capable and sustainable institutional framework of Parliament, executive, judiciary, election commission and an effective system of delivery of justice and development
b) A system of checks and balances, in which rightful role of the parliament in particular is duly respected
c) An effective, transparent, and responsive public administration system – and Local governance system can that can ensure the delivery of human development and justice in an inclusive manner
d) A set of anti-corruption institutions, to ensure the law making and other government decisions are in the light of the public interest and not for private gain;
e) Freedom of association, assembly and expression, basic rights that are needed for citizens to be able to organize and act collectively in civil society;
f) Access to Justice through- laws, policies and institutions- in consonance with the human rights, and an effective policing – as a responsive and accountable-public service to ensure security and peace.
g) Access to Information, so that citizens can know what state agents are doing; and
h) A range of institutional opportunities for citizens to input in matters of government and seek accountability, whether participation of local government, sending petitions to the representatives and ombudsmen, voting on referendum or engaging in other forms of political participation.
In the twentieth year of the shift to the Human Development paradigm and in the tenth year of the Millennium Declaration, the very idea of an “Inclusive, Responsive and Capable State” acquires a specific significance as the state has been a constant point of reference in the human development approach as well the rights based approach to development. Hence, bringing the perspective of “Inclusive, Responsive and Capable State” in to the centre of the discussions on democratic governance once again reinforces the legitimacy and primacy of the state -in relation to the human development paradigm, rights based approach and the promises of the Millennium Declaration- capable of providing enabling conditions for people to realize their human rights, expand their freedoms, to achieve MDG targets and to ensure equity, sustainability and peace.
It is indeed important to understand and appreciate the diversity of political process, socio-cultural, historical and economic contexts that shape and define the nature, character and performance of the state. Working towards an inclusive, responsive and capable state also means appreciating the process and the dynamics of power- in its multidimensional aspect- in different contexts. This would increasingly point towards the need to adopt a political economy perspective on analyzing and understanding the sources and nature of power in the context of democratic governance and as the basis for development programming. This task is indeed more challenging in the context of the countries that are in the midst of conflicts or those coping up with the post-conflict challenges.
This has also point towards the need for more south-south exchange of knowledge and practice across the world, particularly among countries with similar socio-economic, cultural or historical context. Hence the agenda towards an Inclusive, Responsive and Capable state is both a learning opportunity and an action agenda. Such an agenda will be transformative when people, particularly women, poor and marginalized, can reclaim the state and governance to claim political and policy spaces and to assert their dignity and rights as citizens.
Wednesday, May 12, 2010
Unhappy Photos!
Unhappy photos
Of brutal murders
Of mutilated bodies
Of blood
Of tears
Residues of unfinished Revolution
In the name of unfulfilled dreams
Through the barrel of Guns
Guns don't cry
Guns kill dreams.
Dead dreams
Of still-born revolution
In the graveyards
Dirty old revolutions
The nostalgia
of youthful memories
of living dreams of revolution
Be Romantic-
As long as we don't see
such unhappy photos, and
As long as we can listen to
Happy music every day
As long as we can write
and read poems about promised lands
The land of 'milk and honey'
In our imaginative landscapes.
We live by illusions- small and big.
Close your eyes.
Don't see unhappy photos
Of trampled dead bodies
In the wasteland of dead dreams
Close your eyes
And listen to a morning Raaga...
And then 'life is beautiful'-
And then, we can get lost
In our youthful nostalgia
For the promised land of Canaan.
Postponed forever.
We live by dreams and death
Of brutal murders
Of mutilated bodies
Of blood
Of tears
Residues of unfinished Revolution
In the name of unfulfilled dreams
Through the barrel of Guns
Guns don't cry
Guns kill dreams.
Dead dreams
Of still-born revolution
In the graveyards
Dirty old revolutions
The nostalgia
of youthful memories
of living dreams of revolution
Be Romantic-
As long as we don't see
such unhappy photos, and
As long as we can listen to
Happy music every day
As long as we can write
and read poems about promised lands
The land of 'milk and honey'
In our imaginative landscapes.
We live by illusions- small and big.
Close your eyes.
Don't see unhappy photos
Of trampled dead bodies
In the wasteland of dead dreams
Close your eyes
And listen to a morning Raaga...
And then 'life is beautiful'-
And then, we can get lost
In our youthful nostalgia
For the promised land of Canaan.
Postponed forever.
We live by dreams and death
Tuesday, May 11, 2010
Love?
Love is another word.
Worlds within a word,
Word that define the world within
The self and the selfless.
Love,
the art of going beyond the self...
to touch, feel and sense the other
Love,
magic strings beyond the sight and sound
music that can't be heard
flowers that can't be seen.
Love,
the eternal
and ephemeral,
Within the reach...
And far-away
Love ,
a bird
that wants to fly ..away
From the cages of the self
Love,
Fragrance
In search of wind
Spring
In search of the sea
Leaves in search of the sun
A drop of ocean in the palm.
Love,
An Oasis
or a Mirage?
Love,
Divine
or profane?
Sacred
or sin?
God is Love
Worlds within a word,
Word that define the world within
The self and the selfless.
Love,
the art of going beyond the self...
to touch, feel and sense the other
Love,
magic strings beyond the sight and sound
music that can't be heard
flowers that can't be seen.
Love,
the eternal
and ephemeral,
Within the reach...
And far-away
Love ,
a bird
that wants to fly ..away
From the cages of the self
Love,
Fragrance
In search of wind
Spring
In search of the sea
Leaves in search of the sun
A drop of ocean in the palm.
Love,
An Oasis
or a Mirage?
Love,
Divine
or profane?
Sacred
or sin?
God is Love
Tuesday, March 30, 2010
Revival of Religions in a changing world
John Samuel
There is a revival of institutional religion across the world.
In different parts of the world there is an increasing visibility of religion - both in its institutional forms and in terms of assertions of identity. This increasing prominence of religions and new forms of religious formations may have to be located in the emerging social psychology of communities and people who are undergoing socio-economic and cultural transitions. There is an unprecedented transition in the context of migration of communities and the increasing perceptions about socio-cultural and economic inequality across the world. There is an increasing sense of multiple layers and process of alienation, emerging out of multiple levels of "dislocations' of the self, community and identity. The increasing trends of urbanization, migrations within and beyond the borders of a country, consumerism and aggressive construction of images in the context of globalization of media create new sense of individual and collective sense of insecurity and alienation.
However, the relative visibility of the institutional religion may be also due to the increasing role of "image" industry , rather than true 'conversion' or transformation of people from one faith to another. Religion has many manifestations and we often tend to confuse Institutionalized religion- with many other aspect of religion ( personal experience, belief, theology etc).
The revival of institutionalized religion is partly because of high visibility in the context of media explosion in the last ten years. As Institutionalized religions are historically strong in terms of institutionalized resources (money, network, people, structures etc), they could easily make use of the new media and TV to acquire more visibility. The number of genuine Christians ( in terms of personal experience of a preferred personal faith) might not have increased, but certainly the TV marketing has increased many folds. And such new visibility of "images" can create new delusions and illusions of an accentuated religion- without necessary "spiritual" transformation in the real lives of real people.
Then there are new insecurities in the context of social, economic and political transitions- and consequent feeling of alienation in the particular context of globalization. For example, there are enough evidence that those belong to the migrant communities tend to be more religious. This could be partly because of sociological and cultural reasons. The same way I feel happy to meet an Indian or South Asian in Oslo, the Sudanese would like to meet a fellow Sudanese. The nodal points of such identity -network often tend to be religious venues. So many Tamil people may come to know each other in a temple or a Bangladeshi will come to know each other in a Bengali Mosque etc. This is to do with relative marginalization ( in terms of space, cultural-comfort zone etc) of migrant communities.
There are also economic and social insecurity- more tensions and consequences of losing a job or being "alone" in the crowd- in a multi-cultural environment. These too add the quest for a "sense of belonging" and "identity" gets actually accentuated when one "feels" to be marginalized in a given context. So many of the first generation malayali migrants often feel more strongly about "being a malayali" than those who live in kerala. Hence, proliferation of malayali organizations in the Gulf and elsewhere( and many literary awards- and Malayalam blogs etc). This also often takes a religious/denominational ( cast, creed etc) dimensions among newly urbanized or migrant communities , in the context of increased sense of insecurity in a different socio-cultural and political settings.
There is a new sense of alienation due to increased "individuation"- and consequent "feel" of being "lonely" and "insecure". This has also a dimension of age- when one is too young( with an increased anxiety about job) and when one is in to middle-age( the fear of losing job, falling sick etc). This new sense of insecurity has also something to do with new consumerism and globalization of economy, where expectations about oneself( as a consumer who would like to "possess" certain quality of comforts) and consequent insecurity that emanates from the new "hire" and "fire" culture also create new insecurity. So here too one often finds more and more young people and those who cross the middle age tend to seek solace in new "spiritual" market of various sorts- from Deepak chopra to the tele-marketing firms of pop-religion of various sorts.
In the case of countries and communities where there is a social disintegration of erstwhile collective institutional structures( e.g. tribal communities in Africa or joint families or the old-neighborhood parish or temple) are disintegrated, there is a scope for new network-based identity formation. It is in such a space that network religion- and cell-churches grew exponentially. Such a process of social disintegration of erstwhile structures and process of "collective spaces of sharing" also happened due to the unprecedented trend of urbanization and movement/migration of people across countries and world. So the shifts from joint families to post-nuclear families and tribal collectivism also create new forms of individuation and multiple forms of "dislocations" and resultant "alienation".
It is in this context that institutionalized religions get transformed in to "spiritual" or "solace" or "feel-good" modules of customized products in the spiritual market place. Such network mode of marketing helps to get consumers for "psycho-pills" of well-packaged and customized religion of various sorts. In the context of Christianity, the charismatic movement- and its networks forms of "customized' and "personalized" and "flexible" modules of packaged and commodified "spiritualism" got a new market of relatively more "lonely" and insecure people. That is one of the reasons that prosperity gospel is doing so well in a relatively poor African communities - in Africa as well as America. Prosperity gospels and "healing" ministries and "miracle" crusades are all basically working on the new insecurities among various people and communities who are in a state of transit.
We are in the midst of an unprecedented transition- in the history of the world and in terms of sociological and cultural shifts. In such phases of transitions there would be new forms of insecurities and alienation- social, economic and political. This would also create new sense of inequalities. And at an individual level, the most convenient thing is to seek one's own sense of "belonging" through identifying with immediate communities with a shared sense of "belonging". Such "belonging" can be based on color, creed or religion. The biggest and oldest institutionalized structures of "belonging" happened to be institutionalized religion. And such institutionalized religion got adapted to the new technology, media and globalised network to "service" their new "clients', using the good old pill in new modes of delivery.
Then there is also new sense of political insecurity that emanates from the "accentuated identities"( majority and minority) in the context of accentuated sense of insecurity( for example when young Australians find it difficult to find jobs- they would feel the "Indians" are "stealing" their jobs- and then the "Indians’ begin to get mobilized on the basis of being “Indians"). Such "accentuated" identities often become defensive in the minority contexts. So a young Muslim in Europe or UK may feel more "Muslim" often than the Muslim in a Dubai. The Christians Europe will feel "less Christian" than the "Christians" in India or China. The ongoing war in Afghanistan and Iraq or the new political tensions between Iran or North Korea are all a residual accentuation of the post-cold war period of the new geo-politics. And here too recent history gets replayed with history of multiple forms of colonialism and imperialism.
This post-cold war politics moved from "ideological" war to "identity" based contestations in many cases. The political-economy of such 'identities' get accentuated among migrant communities. When 'identity', in its soft or hard forms, tends to be the sub-texts of macro and micro politics, ordinary people often fall back to the most conveniet and accessible network of identity. So there is an increasing assertion of "Muslim' identity even among those people who have rather moderate or liberal approach to religion. There is an assertion of 'Hindu' identity where Hindus are in minority. Such assertions of identity are often cultural 'defensive' mechanism that emenate from social and cultural insecurities and sense of alienation.
There is a revival of institutional religion across the world.
In different parts of the world there is an increasing visibility of religion - both in its institutional forms and in terms of assertions of identity. This increasing prominence of religions and new forms of religious formations may have to be located in the emerging social psychology of communities and people who are undergoing socio-economic and cultural transitions. There is an unprecedented transition in the context of migration of communities and the increasing perceptions about socio-cultural and economic inequality across the world. There is an increasing sense of multiple layers and process of alienation, emerging out of multiple levels of "dislocations' of the self, community and identity. The increasing trends of urbanization, migrations within and beyond the borders of a country, consumerism and aggressive construction of images in the context of globalization of media create new sense of individual and collective sense of insecurity and alienation.
However, the relative visibility of the institutional religion may be also due to the increasing role of "image" industry , rather than true 'conversion' or transformation of people from one faith to another. Religion has many manifestations and we often tend to confuse Institutionalized religion- with many other aspect of religion ( personal experience, belief, theology etc).
The revival of institutionalized religion is partly because of high visibility in the context of media explosion in the last ten years. As Institutionalized religions are historically strong in terms of institutionalized resources (money, network, people, structures etc), they could easily make use of the new media and TV to acquire more visibility. The number of genuine Christians ( in terms of personal experience of a preferred personal faith) might not have increased, but certainly the TV marketing has increased many folds. And such new visibility of "images" can create new delusions and illusions of an accentuated religion- without necessary "spiritual" transformation in the real lives of real people.
Then there are new insecurities in the context of social, economic and political transitions- and consequent feeling of alienation in the particular context of globalization. For example, there are enough evidence that those belong to the migrant communities tend to be more religious. This could be partly because of sociological and cultural reasons. The same way I feel happy to meet an Indian or South Asian in Oslo, the Sudanese would like to meet a fellow Sudanese. The nodal points of such identity -network often tend to be religious venues. So many Tamil people may come to know each other in a temple or a Bangladeshi will come to know each other in a Bengali Mosque etc. This is to do with relative marginalization ( in terms of space, cultural-comfort zone etc) of migrant communities.
There are also economic and social insecurity- more tensions and consequences of losing a job or being "alone" in the crowd- in a multi-cultural environment. These too add the quest for a "sense of belonging" and "identity" gets actually accentuated when one "feels" to be marginalized in a given context. So many of the first generation malayali migrants often feel more strongly about "being a malayali" than those who live in kerala. Hence, proliferation of malayali organizations in the Gulf and elsewhere( and many literary awards- and Malayalam blogs etc). This also often takes a religious/denominational ( cast, creed etc) dimensions among newly urbanized or migrant communities , in the context of increased sense of insecurity in a different socio-cultural and political settings.
There is a new sense of alienation due to increased "individuation"- and consequent "feel" of being "lonely" and "insecure". This has also a dimension of age- when one is too young( with an increased anxiety about job) and when one is in to middle-age( the fear of losing job, falling sick etc). This new sense of insecurity has also something to do with new consumerism and globalization of economy, where expectations about oneself( as a consumer who would like to "possess" certain quality of comforts) and consequent insecurity that emanates from the new "hire" and "fire" culture also create new insecurity. So here too one often finds more and more young people and those who cross the middle age tend to seek solace in new "spiritual" market of various sorts- from Deepak chopra to the tele-marketing firms of pop-religion of various sorts.
In the case of countries and communities where there is a social disintegration of erstwhile collective institutional structures( e.g. tribal communities in Africa or joint families or the old-neighborhood parish or temple) are disintegrated, there is a scope for new network-based identity formation. It is in such a space that network religion- and cell-churches grew exponentially. Such a process of social disintegration of erstwhile structures and process of "collective spaces of sharing" also happened due to the unprecedented trend of urbanization and movement/migration of people across countries and world. So the shifts from joint families to post-nuclear families and tribal collectivism also create new forms of individuation and multiple forms of "dislocations" and resultant "alienation".
It is in this context that institutionalized religions get transformed in to "spiritual" or "solace" or "feel-good" modules of customized products in the spiritual market place. Such network mode of marketing helps to get consumers for "psycho-pills" of well-packaged and customized religion of various sorts. In the context of Christianity, the charismatic movement- and its networks forms of "customized' and "personalized" and "flexible" modules of packaged and commodified "spiritualism" got a new market of relatively more "lonely" and insecure people. That is one of the reasons that prosperity gospel is doing so well in a relatively poor African communities - in Africa as well as America. Prosperity gospels and "healing" ministries and "miracle" crusades are all basically working on the new insecurities among various people and communities who are in a state of transit.
We are in the midst of an unprecedented transition- in the history of the world and in terms of sociological and cultural shifts. In such phases of transitions there would be new forms of insecurities and alienation- social, economic and political. This would also create new sense of inequalities. And at an individual level, the most convenient thing is to seek one's own sense of "belonging" through identifying with immediate communities with a shared sense of "belonging". Such "belonging" can be based on color, creed or religion. The biggest and oldest institutionalized structures of "belonging" happened to be institutionalized religion. And such institutionalized religion got adapted to the new technology, media and globalised network to "service" their new "clients', using the good old pill in new modes of delivery.
Then there is also new sense of political insecurity that emanates from the "accentuated identities"( majority and minority) in the context of accentuated sense of insecurity( for example when young Australians find it difficult to find jobs- they would feel the "Indians" are "stealing" their jobs- and then the "Indians’ begin to get mobilized on the basis of being “Indians"). Such "accentuated" identities often become defensive in the minority contexts. So a young Muslim in Europe or UK may feel more "Muslim" often than the Muslim in a Dubai. The Christians Europe will feel "less Christian" than the "Christians" in India or China. The ongoing war in Afghanistan and Iraq or the new political tensions between Iran or North Korea are all a residual accentuation of the post-cold war period of the new geo-politics. And here too recent history gets replayed with history of multiple forms of colonialism and imperialism.
This post-cold war politics moved from "ideological" war to "identity" based contestations in many cases. The political-economy of such 'identities' get accentuated among migrant communities. When 'identity', in its soft or hard forms, tends to be the sub-texts of macro and micro politics, ordinary people often fall back to the most conveniet and accessible network of identity. So there is an increasing assertion of "Muslim' identity even among those people who have rather moderate or liberal approach to religion. There is an assertion of 'Hindu' identity where Hindus are in minority. Such assertions of identity are often cultural 'defensive' mechanism that emenate from social and cultural insecurities and sense of alienation.
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