(Notes on Language and Communications)
John Samuel
There are different notions about the effective use of a particular language. While many of the puritans would insist on ‘prescriptive’ use of a particular accent, pronunciation and grammar, many of the linguists would say the use of language needs to be seen in terms of ‘descriptive’ validity. The standardisation of language and ordering of ‘appropriate’ grammar is an exercise of power. There is a grammar of power in all communications. The power of communication also depends on the power of the communicator- in terms of ‘power-status’, knowledge and communicative skills.
Though English was introduced as a colonial language, now there are more people speaking in English outside the United Kingdom. So there is no more only ONE English language; there are many types of English- with variations in the accent, pronunciations, spellings and even grammatical preferences. The prevalence of a particular use of language has a lot to do with the power connotations of that language in a particular context of time and space. So today American accent or spellings and grammar may be more accepted than it was a hundred year ago. The power of Hollywood films and Internet provided relatively more acceptance to the American English which was considered as a ‘corrupt’ English by many. There are better known writers in English in India or former colonies than in the Anglo-Saxon world. Though there may be still few who are preoccupied with the RP (Received Pronunciation) accent, effective communicators are often less concerned about the ‘the RP accent’ and more focused on the communicative competence to convey an idea or connect with the audience. Communication is both about the competence and performance of language and message. It also means a sense of clarity about the message, audience and the purpose of communication.
Osho might be one of the most well known Indian communicators in the world. His books, audio and video presentations are sold across the world. His English had a very clear and evident Marwari accent. I had a chance to listen to his discourse. He was indeed a master of the art of communication. There was pindrop silence when he commenced his discourse. Every single word, interspersed with silence, straight went in like a ripple with a rare vibrance. The way he delivered his discourse- slowly and steadily- like a soothing wind, earned him millions of audience across the world. Often it is not the accent, it is the substance and the manner of delivery that make communication effective. Nelson Mandela- another inspiring communicator – too spoke in his own accent. Gandhi did have his Gujarati accent. Quite often the accent and pronunciation of English would be influenced by the mother-tounge of the a person. And for large number of people in the erstwhile colonies, English is only a second language. However, English is also the most effective lingua-franca in many countries and the world. The proficiency in English language gives a distinctive comparative advantage to effectively communicate to a world-wide audience.
It is one thing to have proficiency in a language and it is a different thing to have the ability to communicate effectively. Many people who may have excellent proficiency in a particular language may not be effective communicators. And when it comes to new modes of communications and broad casting, it is important to have special skills to communicate, using a particular medium- whether it is radio, TV, new media or social networks.
The issue of language and communication became crucial after the advent of TV. The name of the game changed after the TV became the direct medium of instant delivery. Here language and body language -looks, movement of eyes, posture – play a crucial role. It is a 'performance'- with an element of 'theatre'. In many parts of the world, people are 'trained' for days to 'perform' an interview. When I was the spoke person of an international organisation, and then global campaigns, I always had trouble with my communication staff. They would insist that I do a 'rehearsal' before I went to BBC, CNN or some other international channel for an interview or to deliver a specific message. They wanted to do trail run- with script. And they insisted on sticking to the 'script'- and I never stuck to the 'script': I did most of them on the 'instinct' of the moment, with one or two lines. And the feedback proved that the communication was effective. There is a difference between the communicative strategies in a long TV interview and short and crisp point on an issue or event. If one is a spoke person, one needs to choose few sentence carefully - and deliver it very clearly; all within a minute or two. It is a bit like visual twitter. The message has to be ABC- Accurate, Brief and Clear- and of course 'sexy'!
Even when we speak one language, there are different variations of the same language for different audiences. And the communicative strategies and the manner of delivery would differ based on the context, audience and the purpose of such communication. Some of us speak four or five kinds of English, depending on the audience, context and medium. The accent, choice of words, the speed too may change! For a successful politician who would like to be a statesman/woman, the skills to speak in different 'registers' of the same language and the proficiency in different languages do matter.
The communicative strategy of a politician to his/her constituency would depend not only on the use of language. It will depend on the use of body language, the attitude of communication, and 'speech-act'. It is a cumulative link between the person, promises, language and delivery. So in spite of his 'stammering' , EMS emerged as a good communicator - due to this cumulative effect of a communication strategy- and in his case that included writing as well. Pranab Mukarjee speaks English like a Bengali! In all such cases (including AK Antony) it is the cumulative communicative competence - not a particular- delivery that matters.
In the age of TV, expectations have changed. The mike used by the TV crew is called 'the gun-mike'- where a politician is the 'target'- he/she has to choose every word; and timing and manner of delivery is very important. One blunder can cost him/her the job!
So in the age of telegenic communications, the 'communicative' expectations changed dramatically. That is why the telegenic politicians also began to get prominence in the media discourse: Pramod Mahajan, Arun Jaitly. Kapil Sibal, Chidambaram, Jayaram. Murasoli maran, etc. None of them have the mass base of Shard Pawar or AK Antony. In fact, anyone of the got hardly any mass-base, and to a large extent their telegenic performance played role in giving them a space in the power-network. Sashi Tharoor too belongs to this 'telegenic' category- and he has the advantage of the ability to speak in four or five languages. However, telegenic performance- and networking capability alone are not good enough to make one's political sustainability.
Many well known leaders would insist speaking in his/her language in the international stage. Most of the leaders from Europe, China, Russia or Japan would prefer to speak in their mother-tounge, in spite of their proficiency in English, in the international stage. President Lula of Brazil hardly speaks in English- though he can understand few sentences. But Lula is one of the most effective communicators that I have come across. The man is amazing, and his communication (language and body language) is charismatic with a magnetic effect to attract the attention of the audience. In spite of not speaking English, he proved to a leader with a range of communicative strategies and skills.
Wednesday, July 28, 2010
Thursday, July 8, 2010
Growing Intolerance and Neo-conservativism in Kerala
John Samuel
Kerala has been well known for its legacy of peaceful co-existence and cosmopolitan social ethos shared by various religious communities. The two major religions, Islam and Christianity, took root in the society of Kerala from the very early years of both religions- and both were introduced more through the trade and words, rather than the sword or war. More than 25% of the population are Muslims and more than 20% are Christians. People, belonging to Hindu, Islam and Christian communities, lived together peacefully for centuries and nurtured their Malayalai identity and played a key role in enriching the culture, society, economy and political process of the state. In spite of the multiple religious or cast identities, it is the cosmopolitan social ethos that made Kerala a very dinstinct society known for its communal harmony, peace and social development. The people from various religious or cast groups nurtured and shared the same cultural, social, economic and political space. However, there are alarming signs of a growing intolerance and neo-conservative trends in Kerala. The growing religious and cast sectarianism, neo-conservatism and the new divisive political trends need to be challenged and changed.
There have been new tendencies of asserting various shades of identity politics – based on a politics of exclusion and also new pressure politics, based purely on a religious, denominational or cast identity. There is a growing sense of soft and hard sectarianism of various shades. And above all there is also trend to do ‘moral policing’ even by those parties who are expected to uphold ‘progressive’ values and gender justice. The entrenched patriarchal attitude and the new tendency of even questioning any man and woman travelling together tend to give an impression of very regressive neo-conservative trends in the society. Instead of challenging these trends, political parties seem to be more interested in fishing in the muddled water. Hence, we need to identify some of the disturbing trends within the society.
1) One does not need any micro-scope to find how various competing strands of 'communalism' (of the majoritarian and minoritarian types) feed in to each other in the forms of soft and hard sectarianism happening in the society and politics of Kerala today. There are many actors- including those from the 'minority' community- responsible for nurturing new kind of sectarianism, intolerance and consequent reactionary violence in Kerala society. The statements of less enlightened and more sectarian Bishops- and the 'pressure politics' played by many in the name of 'institutional interests' of few vested interests operating in the name of Christian and Muslim communities too contributed to the new conservatism and sectarianism within Kerala society. And then there is soft -hindutva getting more 'reactionary' acceptance within a very significant number of middle class of Kerala. And political parties seem to be more interested in the 'vote' outputs that emerge out of such new sectarian communalism of the soft- and hard varieties, rather than playing a role to address the causes and consequence of it.
2) This new kind of sectarian new- conservatism is also nurtured by new sectarian pressure politics practiced by the leaders of some community - 'representing' organizations. One could very much identify such sectarian and neo-conservative tones in the statements of some of the new leaders of cast-based community organizations such SNDP and NSS. So we reach this sad and shocking predicament as a society due to cumulative impact of sectarian indoctrination of various kinds among Christians, Muslims and Hindus of Kerala. This gets fueled by a new kind of identity politics of exclusion( in the last fifteen years) - with a mock liberal rhetoric- with a seemingly 'subaltern' content - and deeply sectarian and conservative social agenda propagated by few groups in Kerala. Any sectarian divisive politics in the name of religion- or promoted primarily by an exclusive religious identity can be dangerous in the context of Kerala- where each of the community are big enough to create social disintegration, political decadence and eventually multiple forms of violence and criminalization within Kerala and elsewhere. As of now it gets manifested in such incidents now and then - and due to the 'middle- class' character of all communities, there is less scope for massive violence in Kerala- as of now
3) The recent criminal and violent attack on the Professor (who framed a question paper with sectarian undertones), chopping off his hand, by fanatic people is also an outcome of the kind of such cumulative indoctrination of intolerance.
Now it is alleged that those who are arrested are affiliated to a particular group - which has a 'secular' sounding name - and supposed to be involved in 'subaltern' politics. Such formations are accused for their mock-liberal veneer and neo-conservative Islamic core and divisive political and social agenda. It is up to these formations to come clear on the increasing perceptions about the integrity of their politics.
4) Irrespective of the 'truth' of the matter, such kinds of planned attack cannot be executed by a local group simply for the sake of it. Such kind of attack can be a much planned strategy by some vested interested and fanatic groups to polarize the various religious communities in Kerala. There is a very sinister and dangerous political planning behind such 'symbolic' disposal of 'justice' against someone who might have made framed a very questionable question in a question paper, in a society that is being increasingly intolerant to each other.
5) It is important for all saner and sensible people across all religions and cast react against not just the disturbing incident of the attack against a Professor, but against all sectarian and neo-conservative trends- promoted by all vested interest groups in all formations based on respective religious or cast identity. It is important to challenge and change the causes as well as consequence of the sectarian and neo-conservatism.
Of course, during such highly volatile moments, it is important for all major media and political parties to deal such situation with a sense of sensitivity and responsibility to the larger society and politics.
It is time for a social reform movement by civil society actors across religious, community and cast spectrum to challenge the disturbing social and political trends and to ensure that the defining cosmopolitan ethos of Kerala is maintained, nurtured and strengthened. Each of us have to take social, political and moral responsibility to promote peace and harmony in Kerala- by avoiding stereotypes, religious/communal prejudices and encouraging values of freedom, human rights, justice and peace within the family, society and politics.
Kerala has been well known for its legacy of peaceful co-existence and cosmopolitan social ethos shared by various religious communities. The two major religions, Islam and Christianity, took root in the society of Kerala from the very early years of both religions- and both were introduced more through the trade and words, rather than the sword or war. More than 25% of the population are Muslims and more than 20% are Christians. People, belonging to Hindu, Islam and Christian communities, lived together peacefully for centuries and nurtured their Malayalai identity and played a key role in enriching the culture, society, economy and political process of the state. In spite of the multiple religious or cast identities, it is the cosmopolitan social ethos that made Kerala a very dinstinct society known for its communal harmony, peace and social development. The people from various religious or cast groups nurtured and shared the same cultural, social, economic and political space. However, there are alarming signs of a growing intolerance and neo-conservative trends in Kerala. The growing religious and cast sectarianism, neo-conservatism and the new divisive political trends need to be challenged and changed.
There have been new tendencies of asserting various shades of identity politics – based on a politics of exclusion and also new pressure politics, based purely on a religious, denominational or cast identity. There is a growing sense of soft and hard sectarianism of various shades. And above all there is also trend to do ‘moral policing’ even by those parties who are expected to uphold ‘progressive’ values and gender justice. The entrenched patriarchal attitude and the new tendency of even questioning any man and woman travelling together tend to give an impression of very regressive neo-conservative trends in the society. Instead of challenging these trends, political parties seem to be more interested in fishing in the muddled water. Hence, we need to identify some of the disturbing trends within the society.
1) One does not need any micro-scope to find how various competing strands of 'communalism' (of the majoritarian and minoritarian types) feed in to each other in the forms of soft and hard sectarianism happening in the society and politics of Kerala today. There are many actors- including those from the 'minority' community- responsible for nurturing new kind of sectarianism, intolerance and consequent reactionary violence in Kerala society. The statements of less enlightened and more sectarian Bishops- and the 'pressure politics' played by many in the name of 'institutional interests' of few vested interests operating in the name of Christian and Muslim communities too contributed to the new conservatism and sectarianism within Kerala society. And then there is soft -hindutva getting more 'reactionary' acceptance within a very significant number of middle class of Kerala. And political parties seem to be more interested in the 'vote' outputs that emerge out of such new sectarian communalism of the soft- and hard varieties, rather than playing a role to address the causes and consequence of it.
2) This new kind of sectarian new- conservatism is also nurtured by new sectarian pressure politics practiced by the leaders of some community - 'representing' organizations. One could very much identify such sectarian and neo-conservative tones in the statements of some of the new leaders of cast-based community organizations such SNDP and NSS. So we reach this sad and shocking predicament as a society due to cumulative impact of sectarian indoctrination of various kinds among Christians, Muslims and Hindus of Kerala. This gets fueled by a new kind of identity politics of exclusion( in the last fifteen years) - with a mock liberal rhetoric- with a seemingly 'subaltern' content - and deeply sectarian and conservative social agenda propagated by few groups in Kerala. Any sectarian divisive politics in the name of religion- or promoted primarily by an exclusive religious identity can be dangerous in the context of Kerala- where each of the community are big enough to create social disintegration, political decadence and eventually multiple forms of violence and criminalization within Kerala and elsewhere. As of now it gets manifested in such incidents now and then - and due to the 'middle- class' character of all communities, there is less scope for massive violence in Kerala- as of now
3) The recent criminal and violent attack on the Professor (who framed a question paper with sectarian undertones), chopping off his hand, by fanatic people is also an outcome of the kind of such cumulative indoctrination of intolerance.
Now it is alleged that those who are arrested are affiliated to a particular group - which has a 'secular' sounding name - and supposed to be involved in 'subaltern' politics. Such formations are accused for their mock-liberal veneer and neo-conservative Islamic core and divisive political and social agenda. It is up to these formations to come clear on the increasing perceptions about the integrity of their politics.
4) Irrespective of the 'truth' of the matter, such kinds of planned attack cannot be executed by a local group simply for the sake of it. Such kind of attack can be a much planned strategy by some vested interested and fanatic groups to polarize the various religious communities in Kerala. There is a very sinister and dangerous political planning behind such 'symbolic' disposal of 'justice' against someone who might have made framed a very questionable question in a question paper, in a society that is being increasingly intolerant to each other.
5) It is important for all saner and sensible people across all religions and cast react against not just the disturbing incident of the attack against a Professor, but against all sectarian and neo-conservative trends- promoted by all vested interest groups in all formations based on respective religious or cast identity. It is important to challenge and change the causes as well as consequence of the sectarian and neo-conservatism.
Of course, during such highly volatile moments, it is important for all major media and political parties to deal such situation with a sense of sensitivity and responsibility to the larger society and politics.
It is time for a social reform movement by civil society actors across religious, community and cast spectrum to challenge the disturbing social and political trends and to ensure that the defining cosmopolitan ethos of Kerala is maintained, nurtured and strengthened. Each of us have to take social, political and moral responsibility to promote peace and harmony in Kerala- by avoiding stereotypes, religious/communal prejudices and encouraging values of freedom, human rights, justice and peace within the family, society and politics.
Sunday, July 4, 2010
Kerala in Transit
John Samuel
There are many symptoms of a larger issue of social, cultural and political transition of Kerala in the context of new consumer materialism- that came to define our society, culture and politics in multiple ways.
Kerala society jumped from Feudalism to Consumerism via Communism - all within a span of sixty years. Hence, our own social and political culture became a strange and confusing mix of feudal- left- and consumerist- all in one! Hence we come across 'secular-communalists’, ‘patriarchal-feminists, ‘communal communists’, ‘middle-aged social views and post-modern political views’, spiritual entrepreneurs and those who preach communism and practice capitalism; where every hartal is a celebration. And most consumed item is alcohol and most of the money is spent on constructing huge homes- where no one lives!
We in Kerala talk endlessly on 'resisting' imperialism and 'globalisation' and also flaunt our son and daughters working in MNCs or soft-ware giants. We hate Bill Gates and love Microsoft! We have a cultivated sense of anti-Americanism and our leaders jump at any invitation by any dick and harry to make a visit to 'study' or to 'collaborate'.
We also jumped from a predominantly agriculture - (primary sector economy) - to service sector (Tertiary sector) economy within a span of 40 years. We have moved rather fast from a rural based joint-family or networked-family social settings to nuclear and post-nuclear settings. Majority of our people moved from lower-middle class subsistence economy culture to a surplus bank balance - fuelled by expatriated income.
The migration culture of Malayalies in the last seventy years and the money and ideas they brought back to Kerala played a very key role in influencing the society and politics more than what is being generally being acknowledged. From the nineties onwards, Kerala society is more in a post-nuclear family mode- where the members of a family are dispersed far and wide- and often virtually connected- or networked: rather than sharing a life or space. This also means a society of lots of elderly people and young people and nothing in between.
In a consumerist culture, self-worth is often derived and determined by modes and brands of 'acquisitions' and consumptions. So 'brand-value' often becomes an indicator of 'self-worth'. When people consume-or acquire anything more to 'show off' their 'status' they cease to live for themselves and begin to live in their consumption. So in Kerala, people construct houses, buy cars, get the latest mobile phone- etc often for something else (as status consumptions) than the real use.
This new consumer materialism- partly fuelled by expatriated income- and related social and political churning created a shift in our literary, social and political culture. Hence, Kerala is going through a social and cultural transition with political ramification. There is a new social and political churning among many of communities in Kerala, particularly among the Muslim Communities in the last ten years. Hence, we see multiple response and shifts - and ambivalence. This new churning among Muslim community has created a new sense of confidence, and assertion to negotiate with the mainstream political, social and cultural process in Kerala- as well as a reactionary politics -fuelled by the neo-Conservative and well funded fundamentalist- religious networks of all sorts.
One thing is clear: Kerala is in the midst of a deeper social and political transition. Many of the prominent political actors in the stage would fade away faster than many of us may think
There are many symptoms of a larger issue of social, cultural and political transition of Kerala in the context of new consumer materialism- that came to define our society, culture and politics in multiple ways.
Kerala society jumped from Feudalism to Consumerism via Communism - all within a span of sixty years. Hence, our own social and political culture became a strange and confusing mix of feudal- left- and consumerist- all in one! Hence we come across 'secular-communalists’, ‘patriarchal-feminists, ‘communal communists’, ‘middle-aged social views and post-modern political views’, spiritual entrepreneurs and those who preach communism and practice capitalism; where every hartal is a celebration. And most consumed item is alcohol and most of the money is spent on constructing huge homes- where no one lives!
We in Kerala talk endlessly on 'resisting' imperialism and 'globalisation' and also flaunt our son and daughters working in MNCs or soft-ware giants. We hate Bill Gates and love Microsoft! We have a cultivated sense of anti-Americanism and our leaders jump at any invitation by any dick and harry to make a visit to 'study' or to 'collaborate'.
We also jumped from a predominantly agriculture - (primary sector economy) - to service sector (Tertiary sector) economy within a span of 40 years. We have moved rather fast from a rural based joint-family or networked-family social settings to nuclear and post-nuclear settings. Majority of our people moved from lower-middle class subsistence economy culture to a surplus bank balance - fuelled by expatriated income.
The migration culture of Malayalies in the last seventy years and the money and ideas they brought back to Kerala played a very key role in influencing the society and politics more than what is being generally being acknowledged. From the nineties onwards, Kerala society is more in a post-nuclear family mode- where the members of a family are dispersed far and wide- and often virtually connected- or networked: rather than sharing a life or space. This also means a society of lots of elderly people and young people and nothing in between.
In a consumerist culture, self-worth is often derived and determined by modes and brands of 'acquisitions' and consumptions. So 'brand-value' often becomes an indicator of 'self-worth'. When people consume-or acquire anything more to 'show off' their 'status' they cease to live for themselves and begin to live in their consumption. So in Kerala, people construct houses, buy cars, get the latest mobile phone- etc often for something else (as status consumptions) than the real use.
This new consumer materialism- partly fuelled by expatriated income- and related social and political churning created a shift in our literary, social and political culture. Hence, Kerala is going through a social and cultural transition with political ramification. There is a new social and political churning among many of communities in Kerala, particularly among the Muslim Communities in the last ten years. Hence, we see multiple response and shifts - and ambivalence. This new churning among Muslim community has created a new sense of confidence, and assertion to negotiate with the mainstream political, social and cultural process in Kerala- as well as a reactionary politics -fuelled by the neo-Conservative and well funded fundamentalist- religious networks of all sorts.
One thing is clear: Kerala is in the midst of a deeper social and political transition. Many of the prominent political actors in the stage would fade away faster than many of us may think
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